#RacismInIsrael~~ FIRST THEY SILENCED THE MOSQUES, THEN THEY SILENCED THE BUSES

The Israeli Ministry of Transportation ordered that an Israeli bus company stop broadcasting announcements in Arabic in the city of Beersheba.

'They never announced my stop so I fell asleep :( )

They never announced my stop so I fell asleep :( 

The Israeli Ministry of Transportation ordered that an Israeli bus company stop broadcasting announcements in Arabic in the city of Beersheba, a spokesperson for Dan Bus Company told Ma’an on Thursday.

The spokesperson said to Ma’an that the company had been asked by the Israeli Ministry of Transportation to cease broadcasting announcements in Arabic on Tuesday, only four days after opening its new bus line in Beersheba.

They said that “many, many people complained to the municipality,” which in turn took the matter to the Ministry of Transportation.

The Dan spokesman stated that the company was “not comfortable” with the request to stop the Arabic announcements, adding that “40 percent of our drivers are Muslim,” but that it would comply with directives from the Ministry.

They went on to add that this was the first time that the company was broadcasting these announcements in both Arabic and Hebrew, but that signs remained written in both languages.

A spokesperson from the Ministry of Transportation did not immediately respond to a request for comment from Ma’an on the legality of the decision given Arabic’s status as one of Israel’s official languages.

The director of the Coalition Against Racism in Israel, Nidal Othman, said that the ban was symbolic of Israeli authorities submitting to racism which it should stop at every level, adding that the bus company’s response was unacceptable and showed an agreement on racism between governmental and public institutions.

Othman went on to call the decision a “very dangerous escalation” which could prove to become a slippery slope from racist political statements to racist actions.

“A minority of society refuses coexistence (between Israeli Jews and Palestinians with Israeli citizenship), but they have loud voices, while the majority is silent,” Othman said.

He added that the continued presence of the Arabic language in Israel was the product of efforts conducted by human right organizations, and must be protected from the “racist minority” in Beersheba which seeks to make Arabic disappear from the public sphere.

Palestinians with Israeli citizenship constitute 20 percent of the population of Israel, and have long been targeted by discriminatory Israeli policies, whether through fewer resources allocated to Palestinian-majority communities in Israel, “divide and conquer” tactics, attempts at forcibly displacing Bedouin communities, and what have been denounced as policies of “Judaization” at the expense of other religious communities.

The bus announcement ban also comes right as the Israeli Knesset is discussing a bill which would ban the use of loudspeakers to broadcast the Muslim call to prayer (adhan) from mosques in Israel.

Despite the bill not yet being voted into law, a mosque in the town of al-Ludd was fined in late November for broadcasting the adhan, sparking uproar.

 

 

FROM

‘ONLY HE TO WHOM THE LAND DOESN’T BELONG TO IS CAPABLE OF BURNING IT’

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Recently Israel was ablaze. The government was quick to declare the fires ‘arson’ set by Palestinians to destroy the land ….

But the reality is ….

“Only he to whom the land doesn’t belong is capable of burning it”.

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Only he to whom the land doesn’t belong is capable of burning it

by Evelyn Hecht-Galinski

English translation by Milena Rampoldi, , edited by William Hanna  

With regards to the recent fires in the “Jewish State” we can only agree with Naftali Bennett who tweeted: “Only he to whom the land doesn’t belong is capable of burning it”. He is the right-wing Minister of Education and the President of the Party “Jewish Home” and the “Settlers‘ King” who made of the racist settlers‘ party a powerful coalition partner within the Netanyahu regime. And it is him who dreams of  Eretz Israel, the Great Israel, from the Mediterranean to Jordan, and in addition wants to annex big parts of the illegally occupied West Bank.  

Who does the land belong to? Certainly not to the ethnic cleansing Jewish occupiers who have displaced the indigenous Palestinian people. As a consequence of the fires, Bennett and his right-wing colleague, Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman called for an expansion of Jewish settlements on occupied land and promptly authorized the building of 500 new settlement units! Also in this instance, the coward members of the German Government have remained silent because for them the existence of “a Jewish state” takes an important priority over human rights and international law.

This raises the question of “why is the Jewish state burning?” The majority of the hundreds of millions of trees planted since the Nakba by the Jewish National Fund, are conifers and particularly pines. The trees were planted for the benefit of the Jewish European immigrant ethnic cleansers so as to enable them to feel at home in a land for which they had no love, but simply wanted to possess.

Since Biblical times, trees planted in Palestine were suited for the dry land – such as olive trees – which were vital for the livelihood of Palestinian farmers and their families. Other trees included carob, mulberry, and low oaks which were all ecologically suitable vegetation. Such trees were and are still being systematically destroyed by the Zionist intruders to deprive the Palestinians of their livelihood.

This raises a further question of whether the current and previous fires – such as the 2010 Mount Carmel forest fire – were natural or cases of deliberate arson. The use of European monoculture to transform the “Jewish State” into a “Small Switzerland” is, however, doomed to failure. From the beginning, the Zionist intruders spoke about “Arabs” condescendingly with the Palestinians and their land being referred to as  “uncultured” and “uncultivated” as compared to the blossoming “Jewish” landscapes which alone were worthy of praise.

Consequently the effectiveness of this hasbara (propaganda) has deceived the whole world into overlooking the ethnic cleansing of Palestine while accepting Israel’s “green-wash” disinformation including that relating to the drainage of important lakes and water sources of the indigenous Palestinian inhabitants. The scarcity of water for Palestinians has been further exacerbated by decades of unrestricted theft by Israel of Palestinian water that is then used to supply the illegal settlements. The extensive damage caused by such water theft in the illegally occupied West Bank and the barbarically blockaded Gaza Strip is indescribable! So far,  the endless decades-long ethnic cleansing of Palestine has been tolerated by the hypocritical international community in general, and by the West and Germany in particular.

From the beginning, Zionism’s aim has been to erase the memory of the Nakba by rewriting history in favour of Israel and Judaising the map of Palestine. Such blatant “Nakba denial” must be also criminalized in line “Holocaust denial.” It is not without reason that the powerful Israel lobby repeatedly endeavours to prevent exhibitions that present the truth about the “Nakba” and the brutal forced expulsions that preceded and followed the Israeli Declaration of Independence.

Since its foundation in 1948, with its Zionist exclusive right to the stolen land, the “Jewish State” has not only systematically violated human rights and international law, but also all accepted ecological standards. The destruction of Palestinian fields and olive groves; the systematic poisoning of fields of Palestinian farmers; and the ethnic cleansing by the “Jewish State,” Jewish settlers, the Jewish National Fund JNF/KKL under the guise of green-washing and international sponsorship that only served the colonialism of an Apartheid Jewish State. In this regard, Germany stands guilty of always donating more woods in the name of German Federal Regions or with the name of politicians (Mißfelder!) for the JNF and Israel. While Palestinians are displaced and their trees destroyed, German politicians spectacularly plant trees in the “Jewish State” like German Foreign Minister Steinmeier!

It is frightening that to this day the false Zionist sound bite of “a land without people, for a people without land” continues to justify land expropriations despite international human rights laws prohibiting such practices. A particularly bad example in this context is the so called “Canada Park” grassed for millions of Dollars by the Himnuta Organisation, a 99% subsidiary company of JNF/KKL on the ruins of Palestinian villages, with secret financial sources and expenses. (1)

For these “green-washers” the future US-President Donald Trump comes just at the right time, having already supported Israel’s right to have Jerusalem as its capital! Under the guise of environmental protection — at the expense of the Palestinian people, and by means of the land dispossession supported by German-Israeli projects in forestry and irrigation — this will in time become possible through continual illegal occupation and by dispossession of the land and water resources of a people “thirsty for justice”.

Without the displacement of Palestinians there would be no “Jewish State.” It was the infamous Josef Weitz, President of the Jewish National Fund, and one of the most fanatic advocates of “transferring” the Palestinians who in 1940 noted in his diary that  “the transfer does not just pursue the aim to reduce the Arab population, but it also serves for the second objective which is not unimportant and consists of emptying the land cultivated by Arabs to make it free for Jewish settlement. The only solution is to transfer the Arabs from here to the neighbouring countries. We have not to omit neither one village nor one tribe.” All this and much more is cited by Ilan Pappe in his commendable book The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine.

To this day, this “transfer” concept has been is the policy of both politicians in the “Jewish State” and of Jewish Saloon-Zionists in diaspora. That policy has included as its first priority the denial to Palestinian refugees their legitimate right of return to their homeland so as to conquer all of Palestine – in violation of international law – for a strictly “Jewish start.”

However, as long as the duplicitous Western “community of values” is complicit in this injustice, and as long as the blazing flames of the illegal occupation are not extinguished, the “Jewish State” will burn.

“Only he to whom the land doesn’t belong is capable of burning it” – what a truth!
From the River to the Sea Palestine will be free!

Written FOR

#InPalestine ~~ ALARM CLOCKS AND PHONE APPS CAN REPLACE THE CALL TO PRAYER

Prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared his support this month for the so-called “muezzin bill”, claiming it was urgently needed to stop the dawn call to prayer from mosques ruining the Israeli public’s sleep. A vote in the parliament is due this week. The use of loudspeakers by muezzins was unnecessarily disruptive, Mr Netanyahu argued, in an age of alarm clocks and phone apps. 

Image by Carlos Latuff

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The link between Israel’s forest fires and the ‘muezzin bill’

Jonathan Cook

Israeli legislation ostensibly intended to tackle noise pollution from Muslim houses of worship has, paradoxically, served chiefly to provoke a cacophony of indignation across much of the Middle East.

Prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared his support this month for the so-called “muezzin bill”, claiming it was urgently needed to stop the dawn call to prayer from mosques ruining the Israeli public’s sleep. A vote in the parliament is due this week. The use of loudspeakers by muezzins was unnecessarily disruptive, Mr Netanyahu argued, in an age of alarm clocks and phone apps.

But the one in five of Israel’s population who are Palestinian, most of them Muslim, and a further 300,000 living under occupation in East Jerusalem, say the legislation is grossly discriminatory. The bill’s environmental rationale is bogus, they note. Moti Yogev, a settler leader who drafted the bill, originally wanted the loudspeaker ban to curb the broadcasting of sermons supposedly full of “incitement” against Israel.

And last week, after the Jewish ultra-Orthodox lobby began to fear the bill might also apply to sirens welcoming in the Sabbath, the government hurriedly introduced an exemption for synagogues.

The “muezzin bill” does not arrive in a politically neutral context. The extremist wing of the settler movement championing it has been vandalizing and torching mosques in Israel and the occupied territories for years.

The new bill follows hot on the heels of a government-sponsored expulsion law that allows Jewish legislators to oust from the parliament the Palestinian minority’s representatives if they voice unpopular views.

Palestinian leaders in Israel are rarely invited on TV, unless it is to defend themselves against accusations of treasonous behavior.

And this month a branch of a major restaurant chain in the northern city of Haifa, where many Palestinian citizens live, banned staff from speaking Arabic to avoid Jewish customers’ suspicions that they were being covertly derided.

Incrementally, Israel’s Palestinian minority has found itself squeezed out of the public sphere. The “muezzin bill” is just the latest step in making them inaudible as well as invisible.

Notably, Basel Ghattas, a Palestinian Christian legislator from the Galilee, denounced the bill too. Churches in Nazareth, Jerusalem, and Haifa, he vowed, would broadcast the muezzin’s call to prayer if mosques were muzzled.

For Ghattas and others, the bill is as much an assault on the community’s beleaguered Palestinian identity as it is on its Muslim character. Netanyahu, on the other hand, has dismissed criticism by comparing the proposed restrictions to measures adopted in countries like France and Switzerland. What is good for Europe, he argues, is good for Israel.

Except Israel, it hardly needs pointing out, is not in Europe. And its Palestinians are the native population, not immigrants.

Haneen Zoabi, another lawmaker, observed that the legislation was not about “the noise in [Israeli Jews’] ears but the noise in their minds”. Their colonial fears, she said, were evoked by the Palestinians’ continuing vibrant presence in Israel – a presence that was supposed to have been extinguished in 1948 with the Nakba, the creation of a Jewish state on the ruins of the Palestinians’ homeland.

That point was illustrated inadvertently over the weekend by dozens of fires that ravaged pine forests and neighboring homes across Israel, fuelled by high winds and months of drought.

Some posting on social media relished the fires as God’s punishment for the “muezzin bill”.

With almost as little evidence, Netanyahu accused Palestinians of setting “terrorist” fires to burn down the Israeli state. The Israeli prime minister needs to distract attention from his failure to heed warnings six years ago, when similar blazes struck, that Israel’s densely packed forests pose a fire hazard.

If it turns out that some of the fires were set on purpose, Netanyahu will have no interest in explaining why.

Many of the forests were planted decades ago by Israel to conceal the destruction of hundreds of Palestinian villages, after 80 percent of the Palestinian population – some 750,000 – were expelled outside Israel’s new borders in 1948. Today they live in refugee camps, including in the West Bank and Gaza.

According to Israeli scholars, the country’s European founders turned the pine tree into a “weapon of war”, using it to erase any trace of the Palestinians. The Israeli historian Ilan Pappe calls this policy “memoricide”.

Olive trees and other native species like carob, pomegranate and citrus were also uprooted in favor of the pine. Importing the landscape of Europe was a way to ensure Jewish immigrants would not feel homesick.

Today, for many Israeli Jews, only the muezzin threatens this contrived idyll. His intermittent call to prayer emanates from the dozens of Palestinian communities that survived 1948’s mass expulsions and were not replaced with pine trees.

Like an unwelcome ghost, the sound now haunts neighboring Jewish towns.

The “muezzin bill” aims to eradicate the aural remnants of Palestine as completely as Israel’s forests obliterated its visible parts – and reassure Israelis that they live in Europe rather than the Middle East.

A version of this article first appeared in the National, Abu Dhabi.

BREAKING THE SILENCE ON ISRAELI RACISM

Where are the outcrys against this injustice?

When a government removes its Bedouin citizens from their home in order to settle its own Jewish citizens in their stead, this is racist dealing. Dispossessing people of their land in order to plant a forest on that same land is inhuman. Had these Bedouins been Jewish settlers, the government certainly would not evict them before finding an alternative dwelling for them that would suit their demands.

By its own acts the government of Israel proves that the UN’s outrageous ruling was not erroneous. Citizens of Israel who do not protest this extreme injustice in fact support the government in its racist policy.

Bedouins hold placards during a protest against a plan to uproot Umm Al-Hiran Village

Bedouins hold placards during a protest against a plan to uproot Umm Al-Hiran Village

Racism

By Amos Gvirtz

Anxiety is fierce. Israeli citizens are in their homes, demolition orders hovering that may be acted upon any day now. What will happen to them? Where will they go? Where will they live? No one offers them any alternatives. They are not, after all, settlers who settled lands that are not theirs, violating Israeli and international law. They are citizens of Israel. Their sole “crime” is to have been born Bedouins in the State of the Jews. They were evicted of their land – of which they were dispossessed – in 1949. The Israeli government transferred them twice until it finally settled them, sixty years ago, in Umm Al Hiran and Attir. Now this government claims they are invaders! Invading the localities where the government itself settled them sixty years ago…

Why is it so important for the government to remove them from the localities it had settled them in? Anyone visiting Umm Al Hiran will see a vast, empty area all around. But apparently the government of Israel has decided to create a Jewish settlement, named Hiran, right where it once settled the Bedouin inhabitants of Umm Al Hiran. And plant a forest right where the government of Israel once settled the inhabitants of Attir!

The question is why does the government of Israel do this. Unfortunately, the simple answer is because it can. Because there are not enough citizens who oppose such racist policies.

The UN General Assembly once came out with an outrageous declaration, ruling that Zionism is racism. The insult was severe. How could once accuse the State of the Jewish Peoplel – who had suffered so long from racism – of racism? Indeed, a few years later the UN General Assembly revoked its own outrageous ruling.

In the 1980s the Isrsaeli Knesset (parliament) legislated a law against racism. I fear that this law is actually against racist incitement, not against racist deeds. The law in fact protects all the racist deeds committed by the government. No one may demand to outlaw the Israeli government because of its own racist acts.

When a government removes its Bedouin citizens from their home in order to settle its own Jewish citizens in their stead, this is racist dealing. Dispossessing people of their land in order to plant a forest on that same land is inhuman. Had these Bedouins been Jewish settlers, the government certainly would not evict them before finding an alternative dwelling for them that would suit their demands.

By its own acts the government of Israel proves that the UN’s outrageous ruling was not erroneous. Citizens of Israel who do not protest this extreme injustice in fact support the government in its racist policy.

BLACK FRIDAY PROTEST AT HP

Reaching out to Best Buy shoppers on Black Friday with materials and information about HP’s role in human rights violations, protesters faced the rain for several hours to spread the word about Hewlett Packard’s involvement in the oppression of Palestinians.

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NYC Black Friday protest draws dozens to protest HP involvement in oppression of Palestinians

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On the busiest shopping day of the year, protesters in New York City – hailing from Manhattan to Gaza – joined in the Black Friday kick-off of the International Week of Action against HP’s complicity with Israeli attacks on Palestinian rights, protesting outside Best Buy in Union Square.

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Samidoun Palestinian Prisoner Solidarity Network organized the protest, which highlighted HP’s role in providing servers and management systems to the Israel Prison Service that imprisons over 7,000 Palestinian political prisoners. Hewlett Packard is also involved in providing imaging equipment for Israeli checkpoints and ID cards, enabling the siege of Gaza, providing services to Israeli settlements, and supporting other occupation infrastructure. The New York City event is one of over 99 protests around the world between 25 November and 3 December demanding a boycott of HP and an end to HP’s involvement in deportations, incarceration and oppression in Palestine, the United States and around the world. These protests were organized in response to a call from the International Boycott HP Coalition and the Palestinian Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions National Committee (BNC).

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Reaching out to Best Buy shoppers on Black Friday with materials and information about HP’s role in human rights violations, protesters faced the rain for several hours to spread the word about Hewlett Packard’s involvement in the oppression of Palestinians.

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Several Zionist counter-protesters, including one person dressed in an Israeli military uniform, repeatedly heckled the protesters and attempted, yet failed, to provoke confrontations. Throughout the protest, demonstrators chanted loudly against HP and its complicity in the occupation of Palestine, urging shoppers to boycott Hewlett Packard technology products. A wide range of activists, groups and writers concerned with Palestine participated in the demonstration, while a group of youth from a video training class organized by Picture the Struggle interviewed participants. Picture the Struggle works to document justice movements, including the Black movement, in New York City, through video, photography and audio recording.

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Samidoun is planning to join and encourages all to attend the protest on Monday, 28 November in New York City in solidarity with Rasmea Odeh, former Palestinian prisoner and torture survivor facing persecution in the United States. A major hearing in her case to determine the entry of evidence relating to her PTSD after torture will take place on 29 November in Detroit, which is also the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People. The Rasmea Defense Committee is organizing protests and buses to Detroit to support Odeh, while protests are taking place in Tampa, Tucson, Fort Lauderdale, Salt Lake City and elsewhere to demand justice for Rasmea. In New York City, protesters will gather at Zuccotti Park at Liberty Street and Broadway at 3:30 pm on Monday.

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Photos 1, 3 by Bud Korotzer/Desertpeace

Photos 2, 4, 6 by Joe Catron

Photo 5 by Anne Pruden

 

WRITTEN FOR

FIDEL’S PALESTINIAN CONNECTION

The deceased Cuban leader and PLO chief Yasser Arafat enjoyed close relations and shared anti-imperialist ideology.

Cuban President Fidel Castro greets Palestine leader Yasser Arafat, right, at a dinner reception.

Cuban President Fidel Castro greets Palestine leader Yasser Arafat, right, at a dinner reception.

Fidel Castro: The Palestinian connection

Dalia Hatuqa

 It’s November 1974, and Yasser Arafat, sporting his signature Ray-Ban sunglasses and checkered black-and-white headscarf, is waving to a cheering crowd on the tarmac of Jose Marti International Airport outside Havana.

He descended from the Algerian Airlines plane that took him from New York City to the Cuban capital, where he was greeted and embraced by Fidel Castro, who was at that time prime minister and had been in power for 15 years.

Castro died late on Friday at the age of 90, according to the Cuban government.

The moment in Havana wasn’t the first time the two men had met – their initial encounter happened just over a year earlier at the 4th Summit of Non-Aligned Countries in Algeria. However, it was the first time they met on Cuban soil.

Despite not being a head of state, Arafat was given a presidential welcome in Havana: Cuban Communist Party officials, ministers and others warmly welcomed the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) leader that day.

Later on, he was awarded one of the country’s highest decorations, the Orden Nacional Playa Giron, or Bay of Pigs Medal, which, according to Cuba’s government radio, is “awarded to Cuban citizens or foreigners who have excelled in the struggle against imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism, or who have done great deeds for peace and progress of mankind”.

The iconic picture of Arafat and Castro walking on the tarmac – housed at the Yasser Arafat Foundation in Ramallah – tells the tale of how an unlikely relationship between the two men, and the PLO and Cuba, were forged.

And while Cuban-Palestinian relations can be traced as far back as the 1966 Tricontinental Conference in Havana, it was Arafat’s November 1974 trip that “cemented the official Palestinian relationship with Cuba”, said Hosni Abdel Wahad, the Palestinian Authority’s assistant foreign minister for the Americas.

“It was during that visit that the official PLO-Cuban ties were forged and the first [PLO] representative office was opened in Havana thereafter.”

Cuba recognises the PLO

It is believed that unofficial ties were made between Cuba and the Palestinians during a first-of-its-kind trip by Fidel’s brother, Raul Castro, and Che Guevara to the Gaza Strip in late 1959.

Events in the 1950s set the stage for this trip: during that time, all Latin American countries, with the exception of Cuba, consistently supported the Israeli position over that of the Palestinians in international forums.

Che Guevara, who was not Cuban but was an instrumental figure in the country’s revolution, spoke in support of the Palestinians in the coastal enclave and elsewhere.

This culminated in Cuba’s recognition of the PLO when it was founded in 1964, making it one of the first countries to do so.

The Cubans trained Palestinian cadres, and Fidel himself was a staunch advocate of the Palestinian quest for freedom and independence.

– Mansour Tahboub, former acting director of the Arafat Foundation

Many of Arafat’s pictures at the Yasser Arafat Foundation, which traces and commemorates the life of the late Palestinian leader, attest to a close relationship with Fidel Castro and Cuba.

The mostly black-and-white images document a series of visits by Arafat to the Latin American country – by some accounts, as many as eight; and these are just the official ones, said Mohammad Odeh, who heads Fatah’s Latin America department.

“That’s a significant number considering Cuba is such a geographically distant country.

“It was, at best, a 12-hour plane ride from any European country, yet Arafat made the trip on numerous occasions. Castro always welcomed him like he was a head of state.”

Mansour Tahboub, former acting director of the Arafat Foundation, said such visits were also a testament to the close historical ties.

“Cuba has always been a strong supporter of Palestinians in all realms: political, military, vocational training,” Tahboub said.

“The Cubans trained Palestinian cadres, and Fidel himself was a staunch advocate of the Palestinian quest for freedom and independence.”

The rare archival footage at the foundation provides a window into many milestones of Cuban-Palestinian relations, such as Arafat pictured on stage – with former Syrian president, Hafez al-Assad, in the background – condemning Egypt for signing the 1978 Camp David Accords with Israel, during the 6th Non-Aligned Summit in Havana in September 1979.

During that time, Egypt was suspended as a member of the Non-Aligned Movement after its agreement with Israel was criticised as “an act of complicity with the continued occupation of Arab territories”.

But these pictures show only a portion of the decades-long relationship between the two men. The PLO and Cuba were natural allies, as both championed what their leaders saw as a struggle against imperial and colonial powers.

Quest for independence

Indeed, Castro conflated Cuba’s “strife to fight imperialism” with the Palestinian quest for independence from Israel’s occupation.

“Cuba’s backing of the Palestinians wasn’t exceptional,” explained Abdel Wahad, who studied journalism in Cuba.

“It was part of the Cuban support system to all people struggling for freedom and fighting against colonialism.”

Castro reaffirmed this belief on numerous occasions, including during an interview with the French weekly Afrique-Asie in 1977.

“The Palestinian movements have shown their ability to resist imperialist … aggression … [The Palestinian cause] will prevail sooner or later in spite of the betrayal by Arab reactionaries, imperialist manoeuvres and Israeli aggression.”

In almost every one of Castro’s many speeches, he voiced support for the Palestinians alongside condemnations of US “imperialist plots”.

Following the end of the Six-Day War, Cuba condemned Israel for the first time at the UN. And of all the Latin American countries that had PLO representative offices at the time, only Cuba and Nicaragua granted the PLO full diplomatic status.

Yet despite its close relationship with the PLO, Cuba continued to maintain relations with Israel until 1973. It was during the Non-Aligned Movement summit of that year in Algeria that Cuba announced it would break off relations with Tel Aviv.

Several historical accounts refer to a dramatic scene unfolding at the event after Castro was reportedly convinced to cut ties with Israel.

Tales were told of an embrace between Castro and former Libyan President Muammar Gaddafi, and some claimed that “Arafat ran across [the hall] to embrace Fidel, and the applause lasted for minutes”.

During the Non-Aligned Movement’s heyday, before the end of the Cold War, Cuba also gave much-needed political support to the Palestinians in international fora, such as the UN.

Around that time, Cuba co-sponsored the UN General Assembly resolution that equated Zionism with racism.

Even when the UN later repealed the resolution in 1991, Cuba stood in opposition.

Quid pro quo?

Some argued that the prominence Cubans gave to the Palestinian cause was a quid pro quo for helping the Castro government secure influence among “Third World nations”.

“The symbiotic relationship between the two … enabled Castro, despite his role in Latin America and Africa as a Soviet client and surrogate, to assume a leadership position in the Third World and within the Non-Aligned Movement,” wrote David J Kopilow, a former consultant for the Hudson Institute in Washington specialising in Central America.

Cuba assisted the PLO – especially left-leaning factions like the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP) – in forging ties with neighbouring states.

The Cubans had a huge role in us seeking the status of non-member observer state, and we still liaise with them on all high-level international matters.

– Mohammad Odeh, head of Fatah’s Latin America department

“The Cubans played a vital role in facilitating our interactions on the Latin American scene,” said Hisham Abu Ghosh, a member of the DFLP’s political bureau.

The DFLP had an especially close relationship with the Cuban regime; the party’s leader Nayef Hawatmeh made dozens of trips to the island, the most recent of which was made in November 2013.

The PLO also found fertile ground in Cuba for political training and support, giving “logistical and professional guidance for Palestinian factions”, according to Abdel Majeed Sweilim, professor of political science at Al Quds University.

The Latin American state also took a special interest in providing educational support to Palestinians.

“Despite Cuba’s economic woes, the government would give more than 150 Palestinians annually opportunities to study medicine, engineering and other disciplines,” said Odeh, who studied dentistry on the island in 1970 under a full scholarship granted by the Cuban government.

Close relations have been maintained between the Palestinians and Cuba, but “the nature of the relationship has differed”, explained the PA’s Abdel Wahad. “There is an official relationship with the state of Palestine.”

Cuba was even consulted in the lead-up to the UN’s recognition of Palestine as a “non-member observer state”.

“I was in Cuba two years ago to consult with officials about the UN bid,” Fatah’s Odeh said.

“Not many people know this, but the Cubans had a huge role in us seeking the status of non-member observer state, and we still liaise with them on all high-level international matters.”

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More from MA’AN HERE

From Palestine to Cuba: Palestinian leaders remember the late Fidel Castro

TRUMP ~~ UNIFIER EXTRAORDINAIRE

What you are about to witness is historic; it is the will of the people to act collectively and in the service of the public good.

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Thank you Mr. Trump, the unifier

HOW THE ‘SUPER MOON’ AFFECTED THE SUPER LUNATICS IN ISRAEL

Olive harvest time is a traditional season for pogroms in the West Bank, but this was one of the most violent.

Image by Carlos Latuff

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 Israel’s #1 Lunatic

Image by Amos Biderman

Image by Amos Biderman

A Pogrom Shakes a Palestinian Village Strangled by Israeli Settlements

A dozen masked settlers wielding knives and clubs and yelling ‘death to Arabs’ attacked five Palestinian farmers who were harvesting olives; ‘They came to kill,’ one victim says.

Gideon Levy and Alex Levac

It was a pogrom.

The survivors are five congenial Palestinian farmers who speak broken Hebrew and work in construction in Israel, with valid entry permits. On weekends they cultivate what is left of their lands, most of which were plundered for the benefit of the settlements that choke their village, Janiya, outside Ramallah. They are convinced that they survived last Saturday’s attack only by a miracle.

“Pogrom” really is the only word that describes what they endured. “We will kill you!” the assailants shouted, as they beat the men over the head and on their bodies with clubs and iron pipes, and brandished serrated knives. The only “crime” of the Palestinians, who were in the midst of harvesting their olives when the settlers swooped down on them, was that they were Palestinians who had the temerity to work their land.

Olive harvest time is a traditional season for pogroms in the West Bank, but this was one of the most violent. No Israeli official condemned the assault, no one got upset. One victim needed 20 stitches in his head, another suffered a broken arm and shoulder, a third is limping, a fourth lost his front teeth. Only one managed to get away from the attackers, but he was also hobbled, when he injured his leg on the rocky terrain as he fled.

The farmers, who days later were still in shock from the experience, were evacuated by fellow villagers; the olives remain scattered on the ground. Now they are afraid to go back to the groves. This weekend, they promised themselves, they will send young people from Janiya to collect what was harvested and to complete the work. They themselves, their bodies and spirits battered, say they are incapable of doing anything.

The assailants, about a dozen masked settlers, are seen in a video taken by a local resident, Ahmed al-Mazlim, as they – apparently flushed with the excitement of their act – made their way back to their huts, which are scattered below the settlement of Neria, also known as North Talmon, between Modi’in and Ramallah. This was their “oneg Shabbat,” their Sabbath joy: descending into the valley and beating up people who were working their land, as innocent as they were helpless – possibly even with intent to kill. A peaceful weekend.

The settlers are seen climbing slowly back up to the huts of their unauthorized outpost, which is planted on the hillside below Neria. They are not in any hurry – after all, no one is going to catch them. Finally they sit down on the porch of one of the huts to quench their thirst with a canteen.

I’ve never before seen criminals leaving the scene of the crime with such indifference. Maybe they were exhausted from their labors – thrashing Arabs – tired but happy. Yotam Berger, the Haaretz reporter who was the first to publish the video, visited the huts the day after the pogrom. It was clear to him that settlers lived there, even though the structures were empty when he arrived. No arrests have been made so far, and past experience suggests that none will be made. The police are investigating.

Janiya, a small village of 1,400 souls in the central West Bank, made a living from its lands until most of them were grabbed by the nearby settlements, beginning in the late 1980s. Few regions are as dense with settlers as this one; few villages have had as much of their land plundered as Janiya. Of the original 50,000-60,000 dunams (12,500-15,000 acres) owned by its residents, only 7,000 remain in their hands. The village is being suffocated.

From a vantage point at its edge, we can view the valley in which the assault was perpetrated, and the nearby settlements. Our guide is Iyad Hadad, a field researcher for the Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem. Beneath us, the homes of Talmon A abut Janiya’s remaining lands, quite close to the villagers’ houses. Just stretch out your hand and touch them; one more expansion project and they’re inside Janiya.

To the right – southeast – is the settlement of Dolev, on behalf of whose residents Israel blocked the main road to Ramallah for years. Perched on the hill opposite is Talmon B; next to it is Talmon C; and there, on the horizon, lies Talmon D. An Israel Defense Forces base stands on the top of the hill, at a distance.

Every hilltop here poses another threat to the quiet village. Neria overlooks the olive grove belonging to the Abu Fuheida family and the terraced slopes leading down to it. The dwellings of the “hilltop youths” are scattered across the whole expanse, beneath the Talmons, dozens of meters apart from each other.

It’s quiet in the valley. Some of Janiya’s olive groves now lie on property owned by the settlements; when they are harvested, it’s done in coordination with the Israel Defense Forces. For example, olives were picked in Palestinian-tended parts of Talmon A last week. But the attack by the settlers was perpetrated in a location where coordination isn’t required, because it’s not on the property of any settlement.

This is the end of the harvesting season, and this is a wadi called Natashath. It’s Saturday morning, a beautiful day, and five members of the Abu Fuheida family – Sa’il, Hassan, Sabar, Sa’ad and Mohammed – descend to their family grove, where they have about 70 olive trees. It’s about 8:30; there are no other farmers around. They carry bags (“No knives,” one of them quickly makes clear) that are spread out on the ground to catch the fallen olives, along with a bottle of Coca-Cola, tomatoes, pita and cold cuts. This is not a good year for olives – the harvest has been meager.

They work until midday, sit down to eat and go back to the ladders. Their plan is to complete the harvest by evening. But then the assailants sweep down out of nowhere; the harvesters, up on ladders, heads amid the branches, don’t see them. Only Sa’il, at 57 the eldest of the group and the only one not on a ladder, is able to get away, only to be injured in the course of his panicky flight.

According to Sa’il and to his wounded brother Hassan, there were 10, perhaps 15 attackers. They looked young and robust. One of the four who assaulted Hassan wore glasses; Hassan saw only his eyes. He was the one who gave him the worst pummeling, adds Hassan. All were holding pipes, clubs, sticks or knives. There was also one who seemed to be a lookout: He stood atop the hill next to Neria, armed with a rifle, apparently observing the goings-on. “Kill the Arabs! Kill the Arabs!” the attackers shouted. “We will kill you, you sluts.”

Sa’il: “They were aggressive, violent, I’ve never seen an attack like it. They came to kill.”

The villagers scampered down from the ladders, straight into the hands of the attackers, who grabbed Sabar first, then Hassan, surrounding them – a few settlers for every Palestinian – and walloping them. Sabar was the first to lose consciousness, Hassan says he also passed out. The pogromists tried to hit them on the head, but Hassan protected his with his hands. His right hand is now bandaged, stitched up and in a sling, four of his teeth were knocked out and his lip was cut, too. He is barely functioning and his speech is slurred.

The attack went on for between five and 10 minutes. One of the cousins, Mohammed, managed to flee at one stage, after being slightly wounded, and he summoned help from the village. When the assailants left, the wounded were taken in ambulances and private cars to the Ramallah Government Hospital. Hassan relates that he regained consciousness in his brother’s house, where he had been taken by villagers before being evacuated to the hospital. He gets dizzy when he stands up. He was certain he was going to die, says Hassan, a construction worker in Rishon Letzion (“with a proper permit”).

Only Hassan and Sa’il were in the village when we visited this week (the other three victims had gone to Binyamin Region headquarters, to give testimony to the police.) Their home was packed with visitors offering words of comfort to the victims. The assailants are insane, their cousin Sahar tells us: “They hate the Arabs, they hate the smell of Arabs, they see an Arab and want to trample him underfoot. They want to kill us. They don’t want Arabs here. And they do whatever they feel like.”

We sat in the shade of the bougainvillea in the yard of the family house. I asked Hassan what he thought about what happened. A faint smile crossed his wounded lips, as he replied, “I don’t know what to think. This happens every year.”

Source and photos AT

SILENCING OF THE LAMBS IN JERUSALEM

The latest attempt to erase Palestine from the map was to silence the call for morning prayers in Jerusalem ….

This is what some Israelis found offensive …. simply meaning that God is great.

Islamic Call to Prayer at Dawn

Israeli authorities ban Muslim call for dawn prayer from 3 mosques in Jerusalem town

Israeli authorities reportedly banned the Muslim call to dawn prayer from being projected over loudspeakers in three different mosques in the Jerusalem district town of Abu Dis on Friday, according to local sources.

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Lawyer Bassam Bahr, head of a local committee in Abu Dis, told Ma’an that Israeli forces raided the town just before the dawn prayer on Friday.

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According to Bahr, Israeli forces raided the al-Rahman, al-Taybeh and al-Jamia mosques in the town, and informed the muezzins, the men responsible for the call to prayer that the call for dawn prayer through the loudspeakers was banned.
Bahr added that the forces did not provide any reason for the ban, and also prevented locals living in the eastern part of the town from reaching the Salah al-Din mosque for dawn prayers.
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Bahr condemned the “unjustified ban,” saying that “Israel attacks Palestinians in all aspects of their lives,” in the form of limiting free movement through the use of checkpoints, and through the disruption of daily life in the form of nightly detention raids.
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The events in Abu Dis came a day after a number of Israeli settlers from illegal settlement of Pisgat Zeev protested in front of the house of Israeli Mayor of Jerusalem Nir Barakat over the ‘noise pollution’ caused by the Muslim call to prayer.
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A spokesperson for the Jerusalem municipality told Ma’an that Barkat, “in collaboration with the Jerusalem District police chief and local Muslim leadership, has developed a plan to protect the religious freedom of Muslim muezzin to announce the call to prayer, while ensuring reasonable quiet in Jerusalem’s residential areas.”
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The spokesperson went on to add that the municipality guidelines would include “increased instructions for muezzin operators regarding technical guidelines for optimal playback and sound amplification, increased mapping of city mosques, and continuous dialogue with local Muslim leadership.”
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Adnan al-Husseini, the Palestinian Authority (PA)-appointed governor of Jerusalem, told Ma’an at the time that the call to prayer — also known as the adhan, which is broadcast five times a day from mosques — was one of the main Muslim religious rituals and an integral part of Jerusalem’s identity. He said that Israeli demands to lower the sound of the adhan was a threat which had been issued several times before in Jerusalem.
Al-Husseini said that the sound of the adhan doesn’t rise above an agreed-upon decibel level, adding that Israeli settlers were not annoyed by the noise, but by the call to prayer as a reminder of Palestinian presence in Jerusalem.
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Meanwhile, Hatem Abd Al-Qader, a Fatah official in Charge of Jerusalem affairs, told Ma’an that Israel aimed to provoke Muslims by attempting to ban the call to prayer.
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Abd al-Qader said that the Israeli settlers’ protest against the adhan came amid constant violations and raids of the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound in East Jerusalem’s Old City, and demolition of Muslim graves in Jerusalem, which he said were part of a broader Israeli plan to destroy the Palestinian Muslim and Christian identities of Jerusalem and replace them with a Jewish one, turning the Israeli-Palestinian political conflict into a religious one.
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Palestinian communities in occupied East Jerusalem — within the municipal boundaries and also beyond the wall in the occupied West Bank — and the larger Jerusalem district, have long been targeted by Israeli authorities in what has been denounced as a policy of “Judaization” of the holy city at the expense of other religious communities.
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This “Judaization” has been characterized by the continuous expansion of illegal Jewish-only settlements and a large-scale policy of demolition of Palestinian homes.
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The Al-Aqsa Mosque Compound has also been the stage of numerous tensions over the years, with Israeli forces imposing tight restrictions on Palestinian worshipers at the site.
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Many Palestinians fear that right-wing Israelis are attempting to reclaim the holy site, as it sits where Jews believe the First and Second Temples once stood.
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SOURCE

WILL PRESIDENT TRUMP MAKE PALESTINE GREAT AGAIN?

The only thing that can be said about President-elect Donald Trump with any confidence is that no one knows exactly what he will do.

Earlier in the campaign he insisted that he would be even-handed in dealings with Israelis and Palestinians, driving many of Israel’s most fanatical and neoconservative supporters into Clinton’s arms.

But facing a backlash, he quickly pivoted, promising Netanyahu he would recognize Jerusalem as the “undivided capital of the State of Israel,” and actively encouraging Israel to continue building colonial settlements in the occupied West Bank.

What will the 'new Goliath' do?

What will the ‘new Goliath’ do?

What will President Trump mean for Palestine?

On a day that most people expected not to see, we can say few things with certainty.

One of them is that Hillary Clinton would have been a disastrous president for those supporting the Palestinian struggle for their rights.

Her failed campaign pitched her as the natural successor to President Barack Obama, the Democrat who just unconditionally handed Israel the biggest military aid package in history.

During the Democratic primary campaign, Clinton marketed herself as a belligerent and violently hawkish ally of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu against the Palestinian people.

She vowed to make blocking the nonviolent Palestinian-led boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) movement a priority of her would-be administration.

She went out of her way to campaign against the mildest efforts to hold Israel accountable, including appealing directly to members of her United Methodist Church last spring to vote against divestment from companies that assist and profit from Israel’s occupation.

Clinton positioned herself as an anti-Palestinian extremist at a time when the Democratic Party base showed itself more open than ever to embracing Palestinian rights.

Her extreme support for Israel is just one of the many ways she and her party operatives pandered to donorsand revealed themselves to be out of touch with large segments of the country they had taken for granted.

But Hillary Clinton will not be president.

President Trump

The only thing that can be said about President-elect Donald Trump with any confidence is that no one knows exactly what he will do.

Earlier in the campaign he insisted that he would be even-handed in dealings with Israelis and Palestinians, driving many of Israel’s most fanatical and neoconservative supporters into Clinton’s arms.

But facing a backlash, he quickly pivoted, promising Netanyahu he would recognize Jerusalem as the “undivided capital of the State of Israel,” and actively encouraging Israel to continue building colonial settlements in the occupied West Bank.

Trump still showed flashes of unwillingness to appease. After winning his party’s nomination in July, he brushed off a reporter’s question about whether he would follow the “tradition” of other Republican candidates and visit Israel.

“It’s a tradition, but I’m not traditional,” Trump shot back.

Even if these changes reveal an erratic man with no fixed views, Trump’s most pro-Israel positions don’t differ much in substance from the policies of Obama, on whose watch settlement construction more than matched the pace during the term of President George W. Bush.

Visceral fears

In his victory speech last night, Trump returned to a regular theme: “We will get along with all other nations willing to get along with us … We’ll have great relationships. We expect to have great, great relationships.”

That will be little comfort to people in the US and around the world whose visceral fears are stoked by the forces that helped propel Trump’s rise: his racist baiting and incitement against Muslims and Mexicans, his boasts about sexually assaulting women, his denial of global warming and his indulgence of anti-Semitic white supremacists, including the Ku Klux Klan, which gave him its endorsement.

The Israeli counterparts of these vile American racists are celebrating Trump’s victory today.

Netanyahu congratulated Trump, calling him a “true friend of Israel.”

“I am confident President-elect Trump and I will continue to strengthen the alliance between our two countries and bring it to greater heights,” the Israeli prime minister added.

Naftali Bennett, the Israeli education minister who has boasted about his killings of Arabs, hailed the coming Trump era.

“Trump’s victory is an opportunity for Israel to immediately retract the notion of a Palestinian state in the center of the country, which would hurt our security and just cause,” Bennett said.

But the so-called two-state solution was already dead and Clinton would not have changed that.

Fighting back

The Palestinian cause has already shifted to a struggle for equality against an entrenched system of Israeli occupation, settler-colonialism and apartheid anchored and rooted in support from the US bipartisan establishment.

Palestinians were not waiting for the result of the US election to decide which way their struggle would go.

Trump has won, but some things have not changed. Over the last decade, support for Palestinian rights has been rising in the United States, particularly among the young – and in the increasingly diverse Democratic Party base that has been utterly failed by its establishment leadership.

More than ever, people understand that US support for Israel comes not only from the same places where support for white supremacy, mass incarceration, unchecked police violence and US militarism and imperialism are strongest.

It also stems from the liberal, pro-human rights circles that championed Clinton, who more often than not equate colonizer and colonized, oppressor and oppressed, occupation and resistance.

This base has no choice now but to rally from its despair, which at any rate the election of either candidate would have precipitated, to keep organizing and fighting for its rights and the rights of people around the world.

The truth is, we had no choice but to wage that fight anyway.

HOW BALFOUR’S ‘PROMISE’ AND BRITAIN DESTROYED PALESTINE

Ninety-nine years later, the British government is yet to possess the moral courage to take responsibility for what their government has done to the Palestinian people.  

Ninety-nine years later, Palestinians insist that their rights in Palestine cannot be dismissed, neither by Balfour, nor by his modern peers in “Her Majesty’s Government”.

"The Zionists claimed Palestine and renamed it 'Israel'" [Getty Images]

“The Zionists claimed Palestine and renamed it ‘Israel'” [Getty Images]

How Britain Destroyed the Palestinian Homeland

Ninety-nine years since Balfour’s “promise”, Palestinians insist that their rights in Palestine cannot be dismissed.

Ramzy Baroud

When I was a child growing up in a Gaza refugee camp, I looked forward to November 2. On that day, every year, thousands of students and camp residents would descend upon the main square of the camp, carrying Palestinian flags and placards, to denounce the Balfour Declaration.

Truthfully, my giddiness then was motivated largely by the fact that schools would inevitably shut down and, following a brief but bloody confrontation with the Israeli army, I would go home early to the loving embrace of my mother, where I would eat a snack and watch cartoons. 

At the time, I had no idea who Balfour actually was, and how his “declaration” all those years ago had altered the destiny of my family and, by extension, my life and the lives of my children as well.

All I knew was that he was a bad person and, because of his terrible deed, we subsisted in a refugee camp, encircled by a violent army and by an ever-expanding graveyard filled with “martyrs”.  

Decades later, destiny would lead me to visit the Whittingehame Church, a small parish in which Arthur James Balfour is now buried.  

While my parents and grandparents are buried in a refugee camp, an ever-shrinking space under a perpetual siege and immeasurable hardship, Balfour’s resting place is an oasis of peace and calmness. The empty meadow all around the church is large enough to host all the refugees in my camp.

Finally, I became fully aware of why Balfour was a “bad person”.   

Once Britain’s Prime Minister, then the Foreign Secretary from late 1916, Balfour had pledged my homeland to another people. That promise was made on November 2, 1917, on behalf of the British government in the form of a letter sent to the leader of the Jewish community in Britain, Walter Rothschild.  

At the time, Britain was not even in control of Palestine, which was still part of the Ottoman Empire. Either way, my homeland  was never Balfour’s to so casually transfer to anyone else. His letter read: 

“His Majesty’s government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.”  

He concluded, “I should be grateful if you would bring this declaration to the knowledge of the Zionist Federation.”  

Ironically, members of the British parliament have declared that the use of the term “Zionist” is both anti-Semitic and abusive.

The British government remains unrepentant after all these years. It has yet to take any measure of moral responsibility, however symbolic, for what it has done to the Palestinians. Worse, it is now busy attempting to control the very language used by Palestinians to identify those who have deprived them of their land and freedom.  

But the truth is, not only was Rothschild a Zionist, Balfour was, too. Zionism, then, before it deservedly became a swearword, was a political notion that Europeans prided themselves to be associated with.

In fact, just before he became Prime Minister, David Cameron declared, before the Conservative Friends of Israel meeting, that  he, too, was a Zionist. To some extent, being a Zionist remains a rite of passage for some Western leaders.  

Balfour was hardly acting on his own. True, the Declaration bears his name, yet, in reality, he was a loyal agent of an empire with massive geopolitical designs, not only concerning Palestine alone, but with Palestine as part of a larger Arab landscape.  

Just a year earlier, another sinister document was introduced, albeit secretly. It was endorsed by another top British diplomat, Mark Sykes and, on behalf of France, by François Georges-Picot. The Russians were informed of the agreement, as they too had received a piece of the Ottoman cake.  

The document indicated that, once the Ottomans were soundly defeated, their territories, including Palestine, would be split among the prospective victorious parties.  

The Sykes-Picot Agreement, also known as the Asia Minor Agreement, was signed in secret 100 years ago, two years into World War I. It signified the brutal nature of colonial powers that rarely associated land and resources with people that lived upon the land and owned those resources.  

The centrepiece of the agreement was a map that was marked with straight lines by a china graph pencil. The map largely determined the fate of the Arabs, dividing them in accordance with various haphazard assumptions of tribal and sectarian lines.  

Once the war was over, the loot was to be divided into spheres of influence:  

– France would receive areas marked (a), which included: the region of south-eastern Turkey, northern Iraq – including Mosel, most of Syria and Lebanon. 

– British-controlled areas were marked with the letter (b), which included: Jordan, southern Iraq, Haifa and Acre in Palestine and a coastal strip between the Mediterranean Sea and the River Jordan. 

– Russia would be granted Istanbul, Armenia and the strategic Turkish Straits.  

The improvised map consisted not only of lines but also colours, along with language that attested to the fact that the two countries viewed the Arab region purely on materialistic terms, without paying the slightest attention to the possible repercussions of slicing up entire civilizations with a multifarious history of co-operation and conflict.

The agreement read, partly:  

“… in the blue area France, and in the red area Great Britain, shall be allowed to establish such direct or indirect administration or control as they desire and as they may think fit to arrange with the Arab state or confederation of Arab states.”  

The brown area, however, was designated as an international administration, the nature of which was to be decided upon after further consultation among Britain, France and Russia.  The Sykes-Picot negotiations finished in March 1916 and were official, although secretly signed on May 19, 1916. World War I concluded on November 11, 1918, after which the division of the Ottoman Empire began in earnest.

British and French mandates were extended over divided Arab entities, while Palestine was granted to the Zionist movement a year later, when Balfour conveyed the British government’s promise, sealing the fate of Palestine to live in perpetual war and turmoil. 

INTERACTIVE: A century on – Why Arabs resent Sykes-Picot

The idea of Western “peacemakers” and “honest-brokers”, who are very much a party in every Middle Eastern conflict, is not new. British betrayal of Arab aspirations goes back many decades. They used the Arabs as pawns in their Great Game against other colonial contenders, only to betray them later on, while still casting themselves as friends bearing gifts.

Nowhere else was this hypocrisy on full display as was in the case of Palestine. Starting with the first wave of Zionist Jewish migration to Palestine in 1882, European countries helped to facilitate the movement of illegal settlers and resources, where the establishment of many colonies, large and small, was afoot.    

So when Balfour sent his letter to Rothschild, the idea of a Jewish homeland in Palestine was very much plausible.

Still, many supercilious promises were being made to the Arabs during the Great War years, as self-imposed Arab leadership sided with the British in their war against the Ottoman Empire. Arabs were promised instant independence, including that of the Palestinians.  

The understanding among Arab leaders was that Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations was to apply to Arab provinces that were ruled by the Ottomans. Arabs were told that they were to be respected as “a sacred trust of civilization”, and their communities were to be recognised as “independent nations”.  

Palestinians wanted to believe that they were also included in that civilization sacredness, and were deserving of independence, too. Their conduct in support of the Pan-Arab Congress, as voting delegates in July 1919, which elected Faisal as a King of a state comprising Palestine, Lebanon, Transjordan and Syria, and their continued support of Sharif Hussein of Mecca, were all expressions of their desire for the long-coveted sovereignty.

When the intentions of the British and their rapport with the Zionists became too apparent, Palestinians rebelled, a rebellion that has never ceased, 99 years later, for the horrific consequences of British colonialism and the eventual complete Zionist takeover of Palestine are still felt after all these years.  

Paltry attempts to pacify Palestinian anger were to no avail, especially after the League of Nations Council in July 1922 approved the terms of the British Mandate over Palestine – which was originally granted to Britain in April 1920 – without consulting the Palestinians at all, who would disappear from the British and international radar, only to reappear as negligible rioters, troublemakers, and obstacles to the joint British-Zionist colonial concoctions.  

Despite occasional assurances to the contrary, the British intention of ensuring the establishment of an exclusively Jewish state in Palestine was becoming clearer with time.

The Balfour Declaration was hardly an aberration, but had, indeed, set the stage for the full-scale ethnic cleansing that followed, three decades later. 

In his book, Before Their Diaspora, Palestinian scholar Walid Khalidi captured the true collective understanding among Palestinians regarding what had befallen their homeland nearly a century ago: 

“The Mandate, as a whole, was seen by the Palestinians as an Anglo-Zionist condominium and its terms as instrument for the implementation of the Zionist programme; it had been imposed on them by force, and they considered it to be both morally and legally invalid. The Palestinians constituted the vast majority of the population and owned the bulk of the land. Inevitably, the ensuing struggle centreed on this status quo. The British and the Zionists were determined to subvert and revolutionise it, the Palestinians to defend and preserve it.”  

In fact, that history remains in constant replay: The Zionists claimed Palestine and renamed it “Israel”; the British continue to support them, although never ceasing to pay lip service to the Arabs; the Palestinian people remain a nation that is geographically fragmented between refugee camps, in the diaspora, militarily occupied, or treated as second-class citizens in a country upon which their ancestors dwelt since time immemorial.  

While Balfour cannot be blamed for all the misfortunes that have befallen Palestinians since he communicated his brief but infamous letter, the notion that his “promise” embodied – that of complete disregard of the aspirations of the Palestinian Arab people – is handed from one generation of British diplomats to the next, the same way that Palestinian resistance to colonialism is also spread across generations.

In his essay in the Al-Ahram Weekly, entitled “Truth and Reconciliation“, the late Professor Edward Said wrote: “Neither the Balfour Declaration nor the Mandate ever specifically concede that Palestinians had political, as opposed to civil and religious, rights in Palestine.

The idea of inequality between Jews and Arabs was, therefore, built into British – and, subsequently, Israeli and US – policy from the start.”

That inequality continues, thus the perpetuation of the conflict. What the British, the early Zionists, the Americans and subsequent Israeli governments failed to understand, and continue to ignore at their own peril, is that there can be no peace without justice and equality in Palestine; and that Palestinians will continue to resist, as long as the reasons that inspired their rebellion nearly a century ago, remain in place.  

Ninety-nine years later, the British government is yet to possess the moral courage to take responsibility for what their government has done to the Palestinian people.  

Ninety-nine years later, Palestinians insist that their rights in Palestine cannot be dismissed, neither by Balfour, nor by his modern peers in “Her Majesty’s Government”.

More photos and videos at SOURCE

‘THE FROZEN CHOSEN’ ~~ A JEWISH STATE IN ALASKA

The novel The Yiddish Policemen’s Union should come with a large, bold warning label affixed to the outside cover, like those labels on cigarette packs. WARNING: READ WITH CAUTION IF YOU ACTUALLY LIVE UNDER A JEWISH ISRAELI MILITARY OCCUPATION.

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“THE FROZEN CHOSEN”

SAM BAHOUR
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A Jewish state in Alaska (still) results in the burning of the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem
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Pulitzer Prize-winning author Michael Chabon should have known better than to gift me his novel. Michael visited our home in Palestine this past summer and after spending the day giving him a tour of the Palestinian cities of Al-Bireh and Ramallah (central West Bank) and Nablus (northern West Bank) we settled down, along with Palestinian writer Fida Jiryis, for dinner at Darna Restaurant, located in the heart of historic Ramallah. By the time dinner was over, not only had we learned about this author’s amazing professional career and life journey, but he casually mentioned a note about this novel that he wrote back in 2007 that was based on a real historic fact in U.S. politics related to the issue of Palestine and Israel. I was puzzled and asked if he was joking. He wasn’t. I’m sure it showed that I was embarrassed to have never heard of this fact, given I’m rather well read on the topic. Before parting, he passed me a copy of the novel as a thank you gift.
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I must make a confession here. Reading fiction does not come easy for me. I guess, while living under a military occupation, there is too much non-fiction pounding at our lives to allow us to get happily lost in fiction. Reading The Yiddish Policemen’s Union may have changed that. No wonder this novel received a ton of awards; it takes fiction to new levels. Not only does Michael have a truly amazing command of the English language (proof being that my dictionary accompanied me in turning each of the 414 pages), but it turns out his Yiddish is not so bad too. Add to that a true historic premise to base his plot on, and linking the story to a few themes that are alive and well, albeit repulsive (think murder, racism, substance abuse, and more) in today’s real world, and what comes to life is something that you’ll be reflecting on long after the book takes its well-earned place on your bookshelf.
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When I was about half way through the novel, a New York Times article came across my desk that made me burst out laughing. The article was titled, How Do You Say ‘Email’ in Yiddish?, by Joseph Berger (Oct. 4, 2016). It was about a new 826-page Comprehensive English-Yiddish Dictionary published in June by Indiana University Press. How’s that for synchronicity? Given every other word in Chabon’s novel that I was looking up was not in my English dictionary—because it was Yiddish—I almost wrote the New York Times to tell them that they missed mentioning a major contributor to keeping Yiddish alive, the novel I was reading.
I must say Michael is a bold writer. If The Yiddish Policemen’s Union was written by a non-Jew, it could well have marked the end of the author’s career, if not worse. But coming from a Jewish-American, a member of the tribe, if you will, he can take readers where others would not dream of going. He does this with an all-so-delicate balancing act that would afford him a lifetime membership with the Palestinian Circus School.
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The historic U.S. political fact that took me off balance was, as I have come to learn, the very real 1940 Slattery Report, officially titled The Problem of Alaskan Development, which was produced by the United States Department of the Interior under Secretary Harold L. Ickes in 1939–40. It was named after Undersecretary of the Interior, Harry A. Slattery. The report recommended the provision of land in Alaska for the temporary refugee settlement of European Jews who were being persecuted by the Nazis during World War II.
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Ickes proposed the use of Alaska as a “haven for Jewish refugees from Germany and other areas in Europe where the Jews are subjected to oppressive restrictions.” The plan was introduced as a bill by Senator William King (Utah) and Democratic Representative Franck Havenner (California), both Democrats. The Alaska bill won the support of theologian Paul Tillich, widely regarded as one of the most influential theologians of the twentieth century, the Federal Council of Churches, and the American Friends Service Committee (Quakers). The plan was dealt a severe blow when Franklin Roosevelt told Ickes that he insisted on limiting the number of refugees to 10,000 a year for five years, and with a further restriction that Jews make up not more than 10% of the refugees. Roosevelt never mentioned the Alaska proposal in public, and without his support the plan died. (Reference Jewish Standard)
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This is where Michael leaves reality behind.
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A Wikipedia entry summaries the setting concisely, “The Yiddish Policemen’s Union is set in an alternative history version of the present day. The premise is that, contrary to real history, the United States voted to implement the 1940 Slattery Report […]. The novel’s divergence point from real history is revealed in the first dozen chapters to be the death of Anthony Dimond, Alaska Territory delegate to the U.S. Congress, in a car accident; Dimond was one of the congressmen responsible for preventing a vote on the report. It imagines a temporary independent Jewish settlement being created on the Alaskan coast.”
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The New York Times published a book review of the novel titled, The Frozen Chosen, by Patricia Cohen (April 29, 2007). You will understand why the New York Times and I both use this same title (although my use of capitalization is more accurate) after you read the book and if you have any knowledge of the real Israel. Cohen writes that Chabon attempts to answer the questions, “What if Jews had poured into a frigid island instead of the Middle Eastern desert, and the state of Israel had never been created? What if the small settlement of Sitka had grown into a teeming Jewish homeland, a land not of milk and honey but of salmon and lumber?”
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The Jews in the novel who settled in the Alaskan city, Sitka, are anxious throughout the novel because the “Reversion” is nearing. The “Reversion” is the date when the orderly return of Sitka back to the State of Alaska is supposed to take place.
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The Wikipedia entry continues, “In the novel, the State of Israel is founded in 1948, but is destroyed after only three months in an alternative version of the Arab-Israeli War. Without Israel, Palestine is described as a mosaic of contending religious and secular nationalist groups locked in internecine conflict; Jerusalem is described as “a city of blood and slogans painted on the wall, severed heads on telephone poles.” The United States president believes in “divine sanction” for neo-Zionism, a movement seeking for Jews to reclaim Israel once again.”
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All this while the main character, Yiddish policeman Meyer Landsman, seeks to resolve several murder investigations, and he and his partner stumble upon a paramilitary group that wants to build a new Temple in Jerusalem after destroying the Dome of the Rock, hoping to speed the birth of the Messiah. An evangelical Christian Zionist American government supports the group. As the novel nears the end, news reports are heard of the Dome of the Rock being bombed.
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Chabon writes these words which made me stop to rethink if I was reading fiction or the daily news, “…they [U.S. Government] think the idea of a bunch of crazy yids running around Arab Palestine, blowing up shrines and following Messiahs and starting World War Three is a really good idea.” Elsewhere, Meyer Landsman contemplates the meaning of a “promised land” by saying, “I don’t care what is written. I don’t care what supposedly got promised to some sandal-wearing idiot whose claim to fame is that he was ready to cut his own son’s throat for the sake of a hare-brained idea.”
Now, why should this novel come with a warning label? Because between the seriousness of the political premise, the gut-wrenching humor, the community involved, the concept of a collective return of land as even being imaginable, the real, day to day stories—love, death, addiction, work, relationships, etc.—interspersed, and the burning of the Dome of Rock, which already happened once in reality and is being threatened again these days, it’s just too much for a person living under an actual Jewish (or so believed)-inspired military occupation to handle.
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After coming away from the book feeling that my mind had just come out of a washing machine, I recalled this poster that I found a while back:
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Thanks, Michael! I truly enjoyed this read. We are all looking forward to your and Ayelet Waldman’s upcoming book, Kingdom of Olives and Ash, from Harper Collins Publishing, addressing 50 years of the very real Israeli military occupation of Palestinians. The dozen or so award-winning, world-class authors contributing to this upcoming book will offer a sincere cry from the mountain top for this human-made tragedy called the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to come to an end. Unlike in your novel, we Palestinians do not seek Reversion; we seek peace based on justice and equality for all, in a land not divided by walls, fences and checkpoints, but whose people are joined in harmony.
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Written FOR

#InternationalSolidarityExtraordinaire ~~ BRAZILIANS AIDING PALESTINIAN FARMERS

The Landless Rural Workers Movement, or Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), sent its yearly delegation to Palestine for the olive harvest in solidarity with farmers in the West Bank.

A delegation from Brazil’s Landless Workers Movement joins the harvest to help Palestinian farmers pick olives and resist Israeli violence.

A delegation from Brazil’s Landless Workers Movement joins the harvest to help Palestinian farmers pick olives and resist Israeli violence.

Brazil’s MST begins solidarity olive harvest

The Landless Rural Workers Movement, or Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), sent its yearly delegation to Palestine for the olive harvest in solidarity with farmers in the West Bank.

MST is a mass social movement in Brazil formed by rural workers and those who want to fight for land reform and against injustice in rural areas.

Members of the delegation are assisting with the physical work of picking olives as well as serving as witnesses to Israeli state or settler violence directed against Palestinian farmers. The hope is to ensure Palestinian farmers, even in high-risk areas, are able to harvest their olives.

The olive oil industry constitutes 25% of Palestine’s agricultural income and supports the livelihoods of approximately 100,000 Palestinian families. The constant threat of Israeli state and settler violence and upsets the olive harvest in Palestine each year.

The MST activists have already taken part in olive harvests across the West Bank, mainly in areas targeted by Israeli settlers. As a part of the 20-day olive picking delegation, MST representatives are also meeting with Palestinian civil society organizations, unions, and politicians.

On Monday, MST met with the Alternative Information Center (AIC) in Beit Sahour. AIC Director Nassar Ibrahim provided an overview of the Palestinian national movement, stressing the importance of mobilizing democratic forces against the occupation in both Palestinian and Israeli societies. AIC Senior Project Coordinator Ahmad Jaradat discussed the relationship of the Palestinian struggle for liberation to other international social justice movements.

MST has acted in support of the Palestinian national movement for years. It is one of the largest social movements in the world, with a membership of 1.5 million.

2landlesspal

Source

60th ANNIVERSARY OF THE DEATH OF PALESTINE

Sixty years is a long time to mourn a death, even a cold-blooded murder. It is even longer when you must live among those, and under the system of those, who murdered your loved ones. Had this been merely an isolated incident of the Israeli military machine killing Palestinians, one may have already regulated it to the history books. But it was and is not.

Photographs of the victims are displayed at the Kafr Qassem Massacre Museum. (Photo credit: Dylan Collins)

Photographs of the victims are displayed at the Kafr Qassem Massacre Museum. (Photo credit: Dylan Collins)

The Almighty Military Order

Forty-eight civilians, 1 fetus and 10 pennies

By Sam Bahour

If your Palestinian neighbors and friends seem slightly on edge today, please excuse them. October 29th brings back horrific memories to Palestinians everywhere, young and old. It was 60 years ago today that a scene of cold-blooded murder fell upon the hill-top Palestinian village of Kafr Qassem (also written Kfar Kassim), located in Israel about 20 km east of Tel Aviv, near the Green Line (1949 Armistice Agreement’s demarcation line) separating Israel and the West Bank. It was in Kafr Qassem on this day in 1956 where the Israeli military literally mowed down in cold blood 48 innocent civilians, one being a pregnant woman whose fetus is counted as the 49th victim. It was said that all of this was done in the service of the almighty Israeli “military order,” which no one dared to challenge.

Sixty years is a long time to mourn a death, even a cold-blooded murder. It is even longer when you must live among those, and under the system of those, who murdered your loved ones. Had this been merely an isolated incident of the Israeli military machine killing Palestinians, one may have already regulated it to the history books. But it was and is not.

There were other massacres prior to Kafr Qasssem, such as the case of Deir Yassin in 1948. Since that dark day in Kafr Qassem there have been numerous other incidents, too many to list. One that comes to mind is 13-year old Iman al-Homs who, in October 2004, was walking home from school in Gaza when an Israeli soldier emptied his magazine into her after she was wounded and lay on the ground. The soldier was caught on radio communications saying he was “confirming the kill.” The most recent example that comes to mind is the Israeli soldier caught on camera in Hebron this past March as he executed a wounded and immobilized Palestinian man lying on the ground by firing a bullet into his head as his fellow soldiers casually watched on.

Unlike today, decades ago Israel did undertake more serious investigations of actions of its military. This is not to say that justice was ever served—it rarely is. Such a landmark investigation was the Israeli Kahan Commission, established by the Israeli government on September 28, 1982, to investigate the Sabra and Shatila massacre (September 16–18, 1982) where 1,000-3,000 (exact number is disputed) Palestinians were slaughtered over three days.

The Kahan Commission was chaired by the Israeli President of the Supreme Court, Yitzhak Kahan. Its other two members were Israeli Supreme Court Judge Aharon Barak and Major general (res.) Yona Efrat. The Israeli Defense Minister Ariel Sharon was found to bear personal responsibility. Sharon’s negligence in protecting the civilian population of Beirut, which had come under Israeli control, resulted in a recommendation that Sharon be dismissed as Defense Minister. Although Sharon grudgingly resigned as Defense Minister, he remained in the Cabinet as a Minister without Portfolio. Years later, Sharon would be elected Israel’s Prime Minister.

Back to Kafr Qassem.

The Israeli English newspaper, Haaretz, reported in a story by correspondent Ofer Aderet (60 years after massacre, Kafr Qasem doesn’t want an apology from the Israeli government, October 28, 2016) that, “In the 60 years since the [Kafr Qasem] carnage Israel’s attitude has been complicated. Those involved in it were court martialed, convicted and some sentenced at first to long prison terms [these “long terms” were less than what the law stipulated for premeditated murder]. [Israeli] Judge Benjamin Halevy coined the phrase “a blatantly illegal order” in his verdict. The instruction to Israel Defense Forces soldiers that they are obliged to refuse an order “that has a black flag flying over it” has become part of the Kafr Qasem legacy.”

The Haaretz story goes on, “But the convicted parties’ sentence was soon commuted by the chief of staff, they were pardoned by the president and released from jail. The most senior defendant, Col. Issachar Shadmi, commander of the brigade in charge of the area, was sentenced to a symbolic fine of 10 pennies for exceeding authority. Major Shmuel Malinki, commander of the Border Patrol battalion, testified at the trial that Shadmi had ordered him to enforce the curfew with gunshots. Asked what would happen to those who return to the village after the curfew, Kedmi said Shadmi had said “may God have mercy on their soul.””

And maybe most shocking of all coming from an Israeli newspaper is that, “The comparison between the Kafr Qasem massacre and the Holocaust was first made at the trial, when the [Israeli] judge asked one of the defendants if he would have justified a Nazi soldier who was obeying orders.” The Haaretz correspondent continues, “In 1986, 30 years after the massacre, Shalom Ofer, one of the convicted soldiers, said in an interview to Ha’ir: “We were like the Germans. They stopped trucks, took the Jews off and shot them. What we did is the same. We were obeying orders like a German soldier during the war, when he was ordered to slaughter Jews.””

Many, especially those in the Jewish community in Israel and abroad, will rightfully find the above words hard to swallow. I don’t blame them. This horrendous act was revolting and when undertaken in “your” name it makes one sick to their stomach.

Aderet’s article offers but a glimpse into the legal proceedings surrounding Kafr Qassem. One of the first people to document those proceedings wasattorney Sabri Jiryis in his landmark book, The Arabs in Israel, published in Haifa in Hebrew in 1966. A fuller account of the testimonies recorded by the Israeli commanders and soldiers who took part in this killing spree can be found printed here [with the author’s permission] in English. Warning: it’s a disturbing read.

And this, my friends, is the buried past and not so buried present, of the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF), “the most moral army in the world.” It is imperative that we all redouble our efforts to not make it its future as well, military order or not.

 

Originally posted AT

Related Post (Click on link)

Commemorating Kafr Qasim Massacre at its 60th Anniversary

FACING LIFE IN PALESTINE ~~ A POEM

A wonderful and touching poem about facing life in Palestine by Mazin Qumsiyeh

#InPalestine ~~ DEATH IN NUMBERS (AND NAMES)

These are the results of the Israeli/Palestinian ‘Peace’ Process …. a record year of deaths on both sides

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Death In Numbers: A year of violence in the occupied Palestinian territory and Israel

By: Chloe Benoist

In October 2015 began what has been in turn called a wave of unrest, a Palestinian upheaval, or even the “Jerusalem Intifada.” Whatever the name, the past year has seen an intensification of deadly violence in the occupied Palestinian territory and Israel.

Over the course of the year, Ma’an has collected data regarding every person who has died as part of this latest chapter in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

In total, Ma’an has recorded the death of 274 individuals from Oct. 1, 2015, to Sept. 30, 2016. Of these dead, 235 were Palestinians (85.8 percent of deaths), 34 were Israeli (12.4 percent), and five (1.8 percent) were foreign nationals — two Americans, one Eritrean, one Sudanese, and one Jordanian.

The first six months — from October 2015 to March 2016 — saw the vast majority of deaths, followingclashes at the Al-Aqsa Mosque in occupied East Jerusalem ahead of the Jewish holiday of Rosh Hashanah. With 234 people dying in these first six months, the rate of casualties has since drastically slowed down, although a spate of killings in September have led to fears that violence could once again surge.

Looking at Palestinian casualties

After a year, a clearer picture has emerged of the Palestinians who have died in that time span. Of these 235 Palestinians, 231 were killed by Israelis, two by other Palestinians during attacks against Israelis, and two others killed themselves while carrying out or attempting to carry out attacks.

Drawing from statistics, a general portrait emerges of the average Palestinian to have died during this time: a young man in his late teens or early twenties from the West Bank district of Hebron, killed by Israeli security forces.

According to Ma’an’s records, the average age of slain Palestinians was 23. However, the most frequent age of death was 19 years old, with 22 Palestinian youth of that age losing their lives in the past year.

Minors comprised a quarter of the victims of Israeli violence, with 60 slain Palestinians under the age of 18, the youngest being an eight-month old baby killed by excessive tear gas inhalation during clashes. In total, 11 Palestinian children under the age of 14 were killed, and another 49 between the ages of 15 and 17.

Another 118 Palestinians between the ages of 18 and 24 were killed, making a total of 178 Palestinian casualties in the past year to have been born around or after the signature of the 1993 Oslo Accords.

Three quarters of those who have been killed since October 2015 have never known anything other than Oslo — seemingly corroborating links made between the rise in violence and the frustrations regarding the agreement’s failure to establish a Palestinian state, amid a worsening situation in the occupied Palestinian territory marked by home demolitions, violent night raids, and staggering settlement expansion.

While a number of Palestinian women and girls were killed — 17 of whom while allegedly or actually carrying out attacks — during this time period, their numbers paled in comparison to Palestinian men and boys. Of the 235 Palestinians killed, 213 were male and 22 were female — just under one in 10 of the casualties.

Geographically speaking, the majority of Palestinian deaths — 161 to be exact — took place in the West Bank, while 36 occurred in the city of Jerusalem, 29 in the besieged Gaza Strip, and nine in Israel.

Meanwhile, 182 were originally from the West Bank, 20 were residents of occupied East Jerusalem, 29 were from Gaza, and three were Palestinian citizens of Israel. Residents of the Hebron district, amounting to 73 of the dead, constituted 31 percent of the slain Palestinians, confirming the southern West Bank district’s status as the epicenter of the wave of unrest.

Trying to quantify the circumstances in which Palestinians have died, meanwhile, has proved to be a tricky question. While a majority of cases were straightforward, with video footage or eyewitnesses able to corroborate the facts, in many instances, the official Israeli version of events when Palestinians were killed at the hands of Israeli security forces or settlers was strongly contested. In a number of cases, eyewitnesses maintained that the slain Palestinians did not constitute a threat at the time of their death, or that Israeli forces planted knives or otherwise manipulated the scene of the crime.

Due to the difficulty of ascertaining the exact circumstances of each case, Ma’an has classified attacks as “alleged” in instances when the official Israeli version of events recorded no injuries to Israelis and there were either no outside witnesses, or those witnesses contested the Israeli version of events.

Meanwhile, situations in which there were no records of outside witnesses, but where there were reports of Israeli injuries, were classified as actual attacks. This imperfect system of classification is a reflection of the murkiness which continues to permeate the Israeli-Palestinian conflict on a daily basis.

Given these caveats, Ma’an’s records show the following:- 69 Palestinians killed while committing or attempting to commit stabbing attacks- 48 Palestinians killed while allegedly attempting to commit stabbing attack- 62 Palestinians killed by Israeli forces during clashes, police and/or army raids- 13 Palestinians killed while committing vehicular attacks- 8 Palestinians killed while allegedly committing vehicular attacks- 8 Palestinians killed while committing shooting attacks- 4 Palestinians killed while allegedly committing or attempting to commit shooting attacks- 5 Palestinians killed while committing simultaneous shooting and stabbing attacks- 3 Palestinians killed while committing simultaneous shooting and vehicular attacks- 1 Palestinian killed while committing simultaneous stabbing and vehicular attack- 2 Palestinians killed while committing attacks with incendiary or explosive devices- 2 Palestinians killed while allegedly committing attacks with incendiary or explosive devices- 5 Palestinians killed by airstrikes and shelling- 5 Palestinians killed while bystanders of violence.

Looking at Israeli casualties

Meanwhile, the demographic profile of Israeli victims of violence painted a different picture.

While for Israeli casualties the average age was 37, with the youngest victim being 13-year-old Hallel Ariel, the only Israeli minor killed in the wave of unrest. The most frequent ages were 19 and 21 — an unsurprising fact given that a very large proportion of Palestinian attacks targeted soldiers, who typically begin their military service at 18 years old.

However, soldiers and police officers accounted for only seven of the dead, which could be explained by the high levels of armor and protective gear worn while on duty, which most likely prevented deadly injuries from occurring in a number of attacks.

Meanwhile, 18 of the slain Israelis resided in illegal settlements in East Jerusalem and the West Bank. Settlers being less armed or armored than soldiers made them more vulnerable targets for attacks, while the restrictions on Palestinian movement outside of the occupied Palestinian territory have made Israelis living in these areas more accessible targets for Palestinians seeking to commit attacks against Israelis.

Some 24 Israelis were killed in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, while ten others were killed in Israel. Within Israel, the coastal city of Tel Aviv was by far the most targeted, with three separate attacks killing eight Israelis — as well as one Palestinian citizen of Israel.

Gender-wise, eight of the slain Israelis were female, making 23.5 percent of casualties, with only one of them being a member of security forces.

Regarding the circumstances of death, according to Ma’an records:

16 Israelis were killed in stabbing attacks- 12 Israelis were killed in shooting attacks-

2 Israelis were killed in confirmed or alleged vehicular attacks-

2 Israeli were killed in a simultaneous shooting and stabbing attack-

and 2 Israelis were killed by friendly fire.

While 32 Israelis were killed by Palestinians, two others were killed by Israeli forces who were trying to shoot at alleged Palestinian attackers.

While the pace of violence has significant slowed down since October 2015, the past month has seen a distinct uptick in casualties. The latest casualty, 28-year-old Naseem Abu Meizar, was killed by Israeli forces on Sept. 30, while seven Palestinians and one Jordanian were killed by Israelis in the span of five days.

Almost one year after United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon issued a warning tying the violence in the occupied Palestinian territory and Israel to the social and political impact of the Israeli occupation on Palestinians, a resurgence of deadly violence remains a real possibility.

“We cannot ignore the sense of desperation that comes with the slow evaporation of hope,” Ban said at the time. “We must stop the endless, needless, and mindless cycle of suffering, and begin the hard work necessary to restore the belief that genuine progress towards peace is possible. A failure to do so will only embolden the advocates of violence and division.”

Please find above Ma’an’s charts compiling Palestinians killed by Israelis, Israelis killed by Palestinians, and other casualties of violence from Oct. 1, 2015, to Sept. 30, 2016. A PDF version of the charts can be found here.

Palestinians killed by Israelis

# Date of attack Name Age Gender Place of death/injury leading to death Cause of death Circumstances Place of residence
1 October 3, 2015 Mohannad Shafiq Halabi 19 M East Jerusalem Shot by police Stabbing attack Surda, Ramallah district
2 October 3, 2015 Fadi Samir Mustafa Alloun 19 M West Jerusalem Shot by police Stabbing attack Issawiya, East Jerusalem
3 October 4, 2015 Huthayfa Othman Suleiman 18 M Tulkarem, Tulkarem district Shot by army, later succumbed to injuries Clashes Balaa, Tulkarem district
4 October 4, 2015 Abd al-Rahman Ubeidallah 13 M Aida refugee camp, Bethlehem district Shot by army Clashes Aida refugee camp, Bethlehem district
5 October 7, 2015 Amjad Hatem al-Jundi 20 M Kiryat Gat, Israel Shot by police Stabbing attack Yatta, Hebron district
6 October 8, 2015 Wissam Faraj 20 M Shufat refugee camp, Jerusalem district Shot by border police Clashes Shufat refugee camp, Jerusalem district
7 October 8, 2015 Thaer Abu Ghazaleh 19 M Tel Aviv, Israel Shot by army Stabbing attack Old City, East Jerusalem
8 October 8, 2015 Ibrahim Ahmad Mustafa Aoud 27 M Beit Ummar, Hebron district Shot by army, later succumbed to injuries Clashes Beit Ummar, Hebron district
9 October 9, 2015 Muhammad Fares Abdullah al-Jaabari 19 M Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
10 October 9, 2015 Shadi Hussam Dawla 20 M Al-Shujayya, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Al-Shujayya, Gaza
11 October 9, 2015 Ahmad al-Harbawi 20 M Al-Shujayya, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Al-Nuseirat refugee camp, Gaza
12 October 9, 2015 Abed al-Wahidi 20 M Al-Shujayya, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Al-Shujayya, Gaza
13 October 9, 2015 Muhammad al-Raqeb 15 M Khan Yunis, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Bani Suheila, Gaza
14 October 9, 2015 Ziad Nabil Sharaf 20 M Khan Yunis, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Khan Yunis, Gaza
15 October 9, 2015 Adnan Moussa Abu Elayyan 22 M Khan Yunis, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Bani Suheila, Gaza
16 October 9, 2015 Jihad Salim al-Ubeid 22 M Abasan al-Kabirah, Gaza Shot by army, later succumbed to injuries Clashes Wadi al-Salqa, Gaza
17 October 10, 2015 Ishaq Badran 16 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by army Stabbing attack Kafr Aqab, East Jerusalem
18 October 10, 2015 Muhammad Saed Ali 19 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by army Stabbing attack Shufat refugee camp, Jerusalem district
19 October 10, 2015 Marwan Barbakh 13 M Abasan al-Kabirah, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Khan Yunis, Gaza
20 October 10, 2015 Khalil Othman 15 M Abasan al-Kabirah, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Khan Yunis, Gaza
21 October 10, 2015 Ahmad Salah 24 M Shufat refugee camp, Jerusalem district Shot by army Clashes Shufat refugee camp, Jerusalem district
22 October 11, 2015 Ahmad Sharaka 13 M Al-Bireh, Ramallah district Shot by army Clashes al-Jalazun refugee camp, Ramallah district
23 October 11, 2015 Nour Rasmi Hassan 25 F Gaza City, Gaza Home collapsed Airstrike Gaza City, Gaza
24 October 11, 2015 Rahaf Yahya Hassan 2 F Gaza City, Gaza Home collapsed Airstrike Gaza City, Gaza
25 October 11, 2015 Khalil Hassan Abu Ubeid 25 M Al-Bureij refugee camp, Gaza Hit by army tear gas grenade, later succumbed to injuries Clashes Khan Yunis, Gaza
26 October 12, 2015 Mustafa Adel al-Khatib 18 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Jabal al-Mukabbir, East Jerusalem
27 October 12, 2015 Hassan Khalid al-Manasra 15 M Pisgat Zeev settlement, East Jerusalem Shot by police Stabbing attack Beit Hanina, East Jerusalem
28 October 12, 2015 Mohammed Nazmi Elayyan Shamasma 23 M West Jerusalem Shot by police Attempted stabbing attack Qatanna, Jerusalem district
29 October 13, 2015 Bahaa Elayyan 22 M West Jerusalem Shot by police Stabbing, shooting attack Jabal al-Mukabbir, East Jerusalem
30 October 13, 2015 Alaa Daoud Ali Abu Jamal 33 M West Jerusalem Shot by civilian Stabbing, shooting attack Jabal al-Mukabbir, East Jerusalem
31 October 13, 2015 Mutaz Ibrahim Zawahreh 27 M Bethlehem, Bethlehem district Shot by army Clashes Al-Duheisha refugee camp, Bethlehem district
32 October 14, 2015 Basil Bassam Ragheb Sidr 20 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by border police Alleged attempted stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
33 October 14, 2015 Ahmad Shaaban 23 M West Jerusalem Shot by police Stabbing attack Ras al-Amoud, East Jerusalem
34 October 16, 2015 Yahya Karira 20 M Gaza City, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Gaza City, Gaza
35 October 16, 2015 Eyad Khalil Awawdeh 26 M Halhul, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Al-Muwarraq, Hebron district
36 October 16, 2015 Ihab Jihad Hanani 19 M Beit Furik, Nablus district Shot by army Clashes Beit Furik, Nablus district
37 October 16, 2015 Yahiya Abd al-Qader Farhat 24 M Erez checkpoint, Gaza Shot by army, later succumbed to injuries Clashes Al-Shati, Gaza
38 October 16, 2015 Mahmoud Hatim Hmeid 22 M Gaza City, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Gaza City, Gaza
39 October 16, 2015 Shawiq Jamal Jabr Ubeid 37 M Gaza Shot by army Clashes Jabaliya, Gaza
40 October 17, 2015 Fadil Muhammad Awad al-Qawasmi 18 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by settler Alleged attempted stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
41 October 17, 2015 Tareq al-Natsheh 16 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by border police Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
42 October 17, 2015 Omar al-Faqih 23 M Qalandiya checkpoint, Ramallah district Shot by border police Stabbing attack Qatanna, Jerusalem district
43 October 17, 2015 Muataz Ahmad Hajis Uweisat 16 M Armon Hanatziv settlement, East Jerusalem Shot by border police Alleged attempted stabbing attack Jabal al-Mukabbir, East Jerusalem
44 October 17, 2015 Bayan Ayman Abd al-Hadi al-Esseili 17 F Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
45 October 18, 2015 Muhannad al-Aqabi 21 M Beersheba, Israel Shot by army Shooting attack Hura, Israel
46 October 20, 2015 Uday Hashim al-Masalma 24 M Beit Awwa, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Beit Awwa, Hebron district
47 October 20, 2015 Bashar Nidal al-Jabari 15 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
48 October 20, 2015 Hussam Ismail al-Jabari 17 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
49 October 20, 2015 Hamzeh Moussa al-Imla 25 M Gush Etzion settlement, Bethlehem district Shot by army Vehicular attack Beit Ula, Hebron district
50 October 20, 2015 Ahmad al-Sarhi 27 M near al-Bureij, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Deir al-Balah, Gaza
51 October 21, 2015 Mutaz Atallah Qassem 22 M near Adam settlement, Jerusalem district Shot by army Stabbing attack Al-Eizariya, Jerusalem district
52 October 21, 2015 Hashem al-Azzeh 54 M Hebron, Hebron district Excessive tear gas Clashes Hebron, Hebron district
53 October 22, 2015 Mahmoud Khalid Ghneimat 20 M Beit Shemesh, Israel Shot by police Stabbing attack Surif, Hebron district
54 October 24, 2015 Ahmad Muhammad Said Kamil 16 M Al-Jalama checkpoint, Jenin district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Qabatiya, Jenin district
55 October 25, 2015 Dania Irsheid 17 F Hebron, Hebron district Shot by border police Alleged attempted stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
56 October 26, 2015 Raed Saket Abdul-Rahim Jaradat 22 M Beit Einun junction, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Sair, Hebron district
57 October 26, 2015 Saad Muhammad Youssef al-Atrash 19 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Attempted stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
58 October 26, 2015 Iyad Rawhi Jaradat 17 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Clashes Sair, Hebron district
59 October 27, 2015 Shabaan Abu Shkeidem 17 M Gush Etzion settlement, Bethlehem district Shot by army Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
60 October 27, 2015 Shadi Nabil Abd al-Muti al-Qudsi 22 M Gush Etzion settlement, Bethlehem district Shot by army Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
61 October 27, 2015 Hammam Said 23 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
62 October 28, 2015 Islam Rafiq Hammad Ibeido 23 M Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
63 October 29, 2015 Mahdi Mohammad Ramadan al-Muhtasib 23 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
64 October 29, 2015 Farouq Abd al-Qader Omar Sidr 19 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
65 October 30, 2015 Qassem Mahmoud Sabaneh 19 M Zaatara checkpoint, Nablus district Shot by border police Alleged attempted stabbing attack Qabatiya, Jenin district
66 October 30, 2015 Ramadan Mohammad Faisal Thawabta 8 months M Beit Fajjar, Bethlehem district Excessive tear gas Clashes Beit Fajjar, Bethlehem district
67 October 30, 2015 Ahmad Hamada Qneibi 24 M Sheikh Jarrah, East Jerusalem Shot by police Stabbing attack Kafr Aqab, East Jerusalem
68 October 31, 2015 Mahmoud Talal Mahmoud Nazzal 18 M Al-Jalama checkpoint, Jenin district Shot by security guard Alleged attempted stabbing attack Qabatiya, Jenin district
69 November 1, 2015 Fadi Hasan al-Faroukh 27 M Beit Einun, Hebron district Shot by border police Alleged attempted stabbing attack Sair, Hebron district
70 November 2, 2015 Ahmed Awad Abu al-Rub 16 M Al-Jalameh, Jenin district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Qabatiya, Jenin district
71 November 4, 2015 Ibrahim Skafi 22 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Vehicular attack Tulkarem, Tulkarem district
72 November 5, 2015 Malik Talal al-Sharif 25 M Gush Etzion, Bethlehem district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
73 November 6, 2015 Tharwat al-Sharawi 72 F Halhul, Hebron district Shot by army Alleged vehicular attack Hebron, Hebron district
74 November 6, 2015 Salameh Musa Abu Jame 23 M Khan Yunis, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Bani Suheila, Gaza
75 November 8, 2015 Sulaiman Aqel Muhammad Shahin 22 M Zaatara checkpoint, Nablus district Shot by army Vehicular attack Al-Bireh, Ramallah district
76 November 9, 2015 Rasha Muhammad Oweisi 24 F Eliyahu checkpoint near Alfei Menashe settlement, Qalqiliya district Shot by army Stabbing attack Qalqiliya, Qalqiliya district
77 November 10, 2015 Sadeq Ziad Gharbiyeh 16 M Al-Sawahrah al-Sharqiyah, Jerusalem district Shot by border police Alleged attempted stabbing attack Sanur, Jenin district
78 November 10, 2015 Muhammad Nimr 37 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by security guard Attempted stabbing attack Al-Issawiya, East Jerusalem
79 November 11, 2015 Ibrahim Abd al-Halim Yousif Dawood 16 M Al-Bireh, Ramallah district Shot by army, later succumbed to injuries Clashes Deir Ghassan, Ramallah district
80 November 11, 2015 Mahmoud Said Elayyan 20 M Ramallah, Ramallah district Shot by army, later succumbed to injuries Clashes Anata, Jerusalem district
81 November 12, 2015 Abdullah Azzam Shalaldah 28 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by undercover soldiers Army raid Sair, Hebron district
82 November 12, 2015 Issa al-Shalaldah 22 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army, later succumbed to injuries Clashes Sair, Hebron district
83 November 13, 2015 Hassan Jihad al-Baw 23 M Halhul, Hebron district Shot by army Clashes Halhul, Hebron district
84 November 13, 2015 Lafi Yousif Mustafa Awad 22 M Budrus, Ramallah district Shot by army Clashes Budrus, Ramallah district
85 November 16, 2015 Laith Assad Manasra 21 M Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district Shot by army Clashes Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district
86 November 16, 2015 Ahmad Abu al-Aish 28 M Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district Shot by army Clashes Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district
87 November 17, 2015 Muhammad Munir Hassan Saleh 24 M Turmusayya, Ramallah district Shot by army Shooting attack Arura, Ramallah district
88 November 22, 2015 Issa Thawabta 34 M Gush Etzion settlement, Bethlehem district Shot by army Stabbing attack Beit Fajjar, Bethlehem district
89 November 22, 2015 Ashraqat Taha Ahmad Qatanani 16 F Huwwara, Nablus district Run over, shot by settler Alleged attempted stabbing attack Nablus, Nablus district
90 November 22, 2015 Shadi Khasib 32 M West Jerusalem Shot by settler Alleged attempted stabbing attack Al-Bireh, Ramallah district
91 November 23, 2015 Hadeel Wajih Awwad 14 F West Jerusalem Shot by security guard Stabbing attack Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district
92 November 23, 2015 Ahmad Jamal Taha 16 M Route 443, Ramallah district Shot by army Stabbing attack Qutna, Ramallah district
93 November 23, 2015 Alaa Khalil Sabah Hashash 16 M Huwwara, Nablus district Shot by army Attempted stabbing attack Nablus, Nablus district
94 November 23, 2015 Samah Abd al-Mumen Ahmad 18 F Huwwara, Nablus district Shot by army, later succumbed to injuries Bystander in attempted stabbing attack Amuriyya, Nablus district
95 November 25, 2015 Muhammad Ismail Shubaki 19 M near al-Fawwar refugee camp, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Al-Arrub refugee camp, Hebron district
96 November 26, 2015 Yahya Yusri Taha 21 M Qatanna, Jerusalem district Shot by army Clashes Qatanna, Jerusalem district
97 November 26, 2015 Samer Hassan Mbadda Sarisi 51 M Zaatara checkpoint, Nablus district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Jenin, Jenin district
98 November 26, 2015 Khalid Mahmoud al-Jawabreh 19 M Al-Arrub refugee camp, Hebron district Shot by army Clashes Al-Arrub refugee camp, Hebron district
99 November 27, 2015 Fadi Muhammad Mahmoud Khasib 25 M near Kfar Adumim settlement, Jerusalem district Shot by settler Vehicular attack Al-Bireh, Ramallah district
100 November 27, 2015 Omar Arafat Issa al-Zaaqiq 19 M Beit Ummar, Hebron district Shot by army Vehicular attack Beit Ummar, Hebron district
101 November 29, 2015 Baseem Abd al-Rahman Mustafa Salah 38 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by police Stabbing attack Nablus, Nablus district
102 November 29, 2015 Ayman Samih al-Abbasi 17 M Silwan, East Jerusalem Shot by police Clashes Silwan, East Jerusalem
103 December 1, 2015 Mamoun al-Khatib 16 M Gush Etzion settlement, Bethlehem district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Doha, Bethlehem district
104 December 1, 2015 Maram Ramiz Hassouna 19 F Enav checkpoint, Tulkarem district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Rafidia, Nablus district
105 December 3, 2015 Mazin Hasan Ureiba 35 M Hizma checkpoint, Jerusalem district Shot by army Shooting attack Abu Dis, Jerusalem district
106 December 3, 2015 Izz al-Din Abdallah Muhammad Raddad 21 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by police Stabbing attack Saida, Tulkarem district
107 December 4, 2015 Taher Faysal Fannoun 19 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
108 December 4, 2015 Mustafa Fadhil Fannoun 15 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
109 December 4, 2015 Anas Bassam Hammad 21 M near Ofar settlement, Ramallah district Shot by army Vehicular attack Silwad, Ramallah district
110 December 4, 2015 Abd al-Rahman Barghouthi 26 M Abud, Ramallah district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Abud, Ramallah district
111 December 6, 2015 Omar Skafi 21 M West Jerusalem Shot by police Vehicular and stabbing attack Beit Hanina, East Jerusalem
112 December 7, 2015 Ihab Fathi Miswadi 21 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by border police Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
113 December 8, 2015 Malik Akram Shahin 19 M Al-Duheisha refugee camp, Bethlehem district Shot by army Army raid Al-Duheisha refugee camp, Bethlehem district
114 December 9, 2015 Abd al-Rahman Miswadeh 21 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by security guard Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
115 December 11, 2015 Omar al-Hroub 55 M Halhul, Hebron district Shot by army Alleged attempted vehicular attack Deir Samit, Hebron district
116 December 11, 2015 Uday Irsheid 24 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Clashes Hebron, Hebron district
117 December 11, 2015 Sami Shawqi Madhi 41 M Al-Bureij refugee camp, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Al-Bureij refugee camp, Gaza
118 December 14, 2015 Abd al-Muhsen Hassuneh 21 M West Jerusalem Shot by police Vehicular attack Beit Hanina, East Jerusalem
119 December 16, 2015 Ahmad Jahajha 20 M Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district Shot by army Alleged vehicular attack Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district
120 December 16, 2015 Hikmat Hamdan 29 M Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district Shot by army Alleged vehicular attack Al-Bireh, Ramallah district
121 December 17, 2015 Abdullah Hussein Nasasra 15 M Huwwara checkpoint, Nablus district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Beit Furik, Nablus district
122 December 18, 2015 Muhammad Abd al-Rahman Ayyad 21 M Silwad, Ramallah district Shot by army Vehicular attack Silwad, Ramallah district
123 December 18, 2015 Nashaat Asfour 34 M Sinjil, Ramallah district Shot by army Clashes Sinjil, Ramallah district
124 December 18, 2015 Mahmoud Muhammad Saed al-Agha 20 M Khan Yunis, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Khan Yunis, Gaza
125 December 23, 2015 Issa Assaf 21 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by police Stabbing attack Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district
126 December 23, 2015 Anan Abu Habsa 20 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by police Stabbing attack Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district
127 December 24, 2015 Wisam Abu Ghwaila 22 M near Geva Binyamin settlement, Ramallah district Shot by army Vehicular attack Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district
128 December 24, 2015 Iyad Jamal Issa Ideis 25 M Ari checkpoint, Hebron district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Yatta, Hebron district
129 December 24, 2015 Muhammad Zahran Abdul-Halim Zahran 22 M Ariel settlement, Salfit district Shot by security guard Stabbing attack Kafr al-Dik, Salfit district
130 December 24, 2015 Bilal Zayid 23 M Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district Shot by army Clashes Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district
131 December 25, 2015 Hani Rafiq Wahdan 22 M Shujayya, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Shujayya, Gaza
132 December 25, 2015 Mahdia Mohammad Ibrahim Hammad 39 F Silwad, Ramallah district Shot by police Alleged vehicular attack Silwad, Ramallah district
133 December 25, 2015 Yousif Abu Sbeikha al-Buheiri 48 M Al-Maghazi refugee camp, Gaza Shot by army, later succumbed to injuries Clashes Al-Maghazi refugee camp, Gaza
134 December 26, 2015 Maher al-Jabi 56 M Huwwara checkpoint, Nablus district Shot by army Vehicular attack Nablus, Nablus district
135 December 26, 2015 Musab Mahmoud al-Ghazali 26 M West Jerusalem Shot by police Alleged attempted stabbing attack Silwan, East Jerusalem
136 December 27, 2015 Muhammad Rafiq Hussein Sabana 17 M Huwwara, Nablus district Shot by army Stabbing attack Qabatiya, Jenin district
137 December 27, 2015 Nour al-Deen Muhammad Abdul-Qadir Sabana 23 M Huwwara, Nablus district Shot by army Stabbing attack Qabatiya, Jenin district
138 December 31, 2015 Hassan Ali Hassan Bozor 22 M Huwwara checkpoint, Nablus district Shot by army Vehicular attack Raba, Jenin district
139 January 5, 2016 Ahmad Younis Kawazba 17 M Gush Etzion settlement junction, Bethlehem district Shot by army Stabbing attack Sair, Hebron district
140 January 7, 2016 Ahmad Salim Abd al-Majid Kawazba 21 M Gush Etzion settlement junction, Bethlehem district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Sair, Hebron district
141 January 7, 2016 Alaa Abed Muhammad Kawazba 17 M Gush Etzion settlement junction, Bethlehem district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Sair, Hebron district
142 January 7, 2016 Muhannad Ziyad Kawazba 20 M Gush Etzion settlement junction, Bethlehem district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Sair, Hebron district
143 January 7, 2016 Khalil Muhammad al-Shalaldah 16 M Beit Einun junction, Hebron district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Sair, Hebron district
144 January 8, 2016 Nashat Melhem 29 M Arara, Israel Shot by police Standoff following deadly shooting in Tel Aviv Arara, Israel
145 January 9, 2016 Ali Abu Maryam 26 M Al-Hamra checkpoint, Tubas district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Al-Judeida, Jenin district
146 January 9, 2016 Said Abu al-Wafa 38 M Al-Hamra checkpoint, Tubas district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Al-Zawiya, Jenin district
147 January 12, 2016 Srour Ahmad Abu Srour 21 M Beit Jala, Bethlehem district Shot by army Clashes Aida refugee camp, Bethlehem district
148 January 12, 2016 Muhammad Ahmad Khalil Kawazba 23 M Beit Einun junction, Hebron district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Sair, Hebron district
149 January 12, 2016 Adnan Hamid al-Mashni 17 M Beit Einun junction, Hebron district Shot by army Accomplice in alleged attempted stabbing attack Al-Shuyukh, Hebron district
150 January 13, 2016 Mousa Zaiter 23 M Beit Lahiya, Gaza Shot by army Alleged attempted explosive attack Jabaliya, Gaza
151 January 14, 2016 Muayyad Awni Jabbarin 20 M Beit Einun junction, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Sair, Hebron district
152 January 14, 2016 Haitham Mahmoud Abd al-Jalil 31 M Checkpoint near Asira al-Shamaliya, Nablus district Shot by army Alleged stabbing attack Asira al-Shamaliya, Nablus district
153 January 15, 2016 Muhammad Abu Zayed 19 M Al-Bureij refugee camp, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Al-Bureij refugee camp, Gaza
154 January 15, 2016 Muhammad Majdi Qaita 26 M Al-Bureij refugee camp, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Khan Yunis, Gaza
155 January 17, 2016 Wissam Marwan Qasrawa 21 M Huwwara checkpoint, Nablus district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Misliya, Nablus district
156 January 23, 2016 Ruqayya Eid Abu Eid 13 F Almon settlement, Jerusalem district Shot by security guard Alleged attempted stabbing attack Anata, Jerusalem district
157 January 25, 2016 Hussein Muhammad Abu Ghush 17 M Beit Horon settlement, Ramallah district Shot by security guard Stabbing attack Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district
158 January 25, 2016 Osama Youssef Allan 23 M Beit Horon settlement, Ramallah district Shot by security guard Stabbing attack Beit Ur al-Tahta, Ramallah district
159 January 31, 2016 Amjad Jaser Sukkari 34 M Checkpoint near Beit El settlement, Ramallah district Shot by army Shooting attack Nablus, Nablus district
160 February 1, 2016 Ahmad Hassan Tuba 19 M near Salit settlement, Tulkarem district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Kafr Jammal, Tulkarem district
161 February 3, 2016 Ahmad Rajeh Ismail Zakarneh 19 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by border police Shooting, stabbing attack Qabatiya, Jenin district
162 February 3, 2016 Muhammad Ahmad Hilmi Kamil 19 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by border police Shooting, stabbing attack Qabatiya, Jenin district
163 February 3, 2016 Najeh Ibrahim Abu al-Rub 20 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by border police Shooting, stabbing attack Qabatiya, Jenin district
164 February 5, 2016 Haitham Ismail Muhammad al-Baw 14 M near Halhul, Hebron district Shot by army Allegedly attempting to throw Molotov cocktails Halhul, Hebron district
165 February 10, 2016 Omar Yousef Madi al-Jawabreh 16 M Al-Arrub refugee camp, Hebron district Shot by army Clashes Al-Arrub refugee camp, Hebron district
166 February 13, 2016 Kilzar Muhammad Abd al-Halim Azmi al-Uweiwi 18 F Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
167 February 14, 2016 Nihad Raed Muhammad Waqed 15 M near al-Araqa, Jenin district Shot by army Alleged shooting attack Al-Araqa, Jenin district
168 February 14, 2016 Fuad Marwan Khalid Waqed 15 M near al-Araqa, Jenin district Shot by army Alleged shooting attack Al-Araqa, Jenin district
169 February 14, 2016 Naim Ahmad Yousif Safi 17 M Mazmoria checkpoint, Bethlehem district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Al-Ubeidiya, Bethlehem district
170 February 14, 2016 Mansour Yasser Abdul-Aziz Shawamrah 20 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by police Alleged shooting attack Al-Qubeiba, Jerusalem district
171 February 14, 2016 Omar Muhammad Amro 20 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by police Alleged shooting attack Al-Qubeiba, Jerusalem district
172 February 19, 2016 Muhammad Abu Khalaf 20 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by police Stabbing attack Kafr Aqab, East Jerusalem
173 February 19, 2016 Abed Raed Abdullah Hamad 20 M Silwad, Ramallah district Shot by army Vehicular attack Silwad, Ramallah district
174 February 19, 2016 Khaled Yousif Taqatqa 21 M Beit Fajjar, Bethlehem district Shot by army Clashes Beit Fajjar, Bethlehem district
175 February 20, 2016 Qusay Diab Abu al-Rub 15 M Beita checkpoint, Nablus district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Qabatiya, Jenin district
176 February 26, 2016 Mahmoud Muhammad Ali Shaalan 17 M Beit El checkpoint, Ramallah district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Deir Dibwan, Ramallah district
177 March 1, 2016 Iyad Omar Sajadiyya 22 M Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district Shot by army Clashes Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district
178 March 1, 2016 Nahid Fawzi Muteir 24 M Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district Shot by army, later succumbed to injuries Clashes Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district
179 March 2, 2016 Labib Khaldoon Anwar Azzam 17 M Eli settlement, Nablus district Shot by army Stabbing attack Qaryut, Nablus district
180 March 2, 2016 Muhammad Hisham Ali Zaghlawan 17 M Eli settlement, Nablus district Shot by army Stabbing attack Qaryut, Nablus district
181 March 4, 2016 Amani Husni Sabatin 34 F Gush Etzion settlement junction, Bethlehem district Shot by army Alleged vehicular attack Husan, Bethlehem district
182 March 8, 2016 Fadwa Ahmad Abu Teir 50 F Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by border police Alleged attempted stabbing attack Umm Tuba, Jerusalem district
183 March 8, 2016 Fouad Abu Rajab al-Tamimi 21 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by border police Shooting attack Issawiya, East Jerusalem
184 March 8, 2016 Bashar Masalha 22 M Jaffa, Israel Shot by police Stabbing attack Al-Hajja, Qalqiliya district
185 March 8, 2016 Abd al-Rahman Radad 17 M Petah Tikva, Israel Shot by police Stabbing attack Al-Zawiya, Salfit district
186 March 9, 2016 Abd al-Malak Saleh Abu Kharoub 19 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by police Shooting attack Kafr Aqab, East Jerusalem
187 March 9, 2016 Muhammad Jamal al-Kalouti 21 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by police Shooting attack Kafr Aqab, East Jerusalem
188 March 9, 2016 Ahmad Yousef Amer 16 M Al-Zawiya, Salfit district Shot by army Attempted stabbing attack Masha, Salfit district
189 March 12, 2016 Yasin Suleiman Abu Khusah 9 M Beit Lahiya, Gaza Army rockets on home Airstrike Beit Lahiya, Gaza
190 March 12, 2016 Israa Suleiman Abu Khusah 6 F Beit Lahiya, Gaza Army rockets on home Airstrike Beit Lahiya, Gaza
191 March 14, 2016 Qasem Farid Jaber 31 M near Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district Shot by army Shooting, vehicular attack Hebron, Hebron district
192 March 14, 2016 Ameer Fuad al-Junaidi 22 M near Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district Shot by army Shooting, vehicular attack Hebron, Hebron district
193 March 14, 2016 Yousef Mustafa Tarayra 18 M near Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district Shot by army Shooting, vehicular attack Bani Naim, Hebron district
194 March 17, 2016 Ali Jamal Muhammad Taqatqa 19 M near Ariel settlement, Salfit district Shot by army Stabbing attack Beit Fajjar, Bethlehem district
195 March 17, 2016 Ali Abd al-Rahman al-Kar Thawabta 20 M near Ariel settlement, Salfit district Shot by army Stabbing attack Beit Fajjar, Bethlehem district
196 March 18, 2016 Mahmud Ahmad Abu Fanunah 21 M Gush Etzion settlement junction, Bethlehem district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
197 March 19, 2016 Abdullah Muhammad al-Ajlouni 18 M Abu Rish checkpoint near Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
198 March 24, 2016 Abd al-Fattah Yusri al-Sharif 21 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
199 March 24, 2016 Ramzi Aziz al-Qasrawi 21 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
200 April 14, 2016 Ibrahim Baradiya 54 M Al-Arrub refugee camp, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Al-Arrub refugee camp, Hebron district
201 April 27, 2016 Maram Salih Hassan Abu Ismail 23 F Qalandiya checkpoint, Ramallah district Shot by security guard Alleged attempted stabbing attack Qatanna, Jerusalem district
202 April 27, 2016 Ibrahim Salih Hassan Taha 16 M Qalandiya checkpoint, Ramallah district Shot by security guard Alleged attempted stabbing attack Qatanna, Jerusalem district
203 May 3, 2016 Ahmed Riyad Abd al-Aziz Shehada 36 M near Dolev settlement, Ramallah district Shot by army Alleged vehicular attack Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district
204 May 4, 2016 Arif Sharif Jaradat 22 M Sair, Hebron district Shot by army, later succumbed to injuries Clashes Sair, Hebron district
205 May 5, 2016 Jana Aytah al-Amur 59 F Khan Yunis, Gaza Army shelling Army offensive Khan Yunis, Gaza
206 May 23, 2016 Sawsan Ali Dawud Mansur 17 F Ras Biddu checkpoint, Jerusalem district Shot by police Alleged attempted stabbing attack Biddu, Jerusalem district
207 June 2, 2016 Ansar Hussam Harasha 25 F Innab checkpoint, Tulkarem district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Qaffin, Tulkarem district
208 June 21, 2016 Mahmoud Raafat Badran 15 M near Beit Ur al-Tahta, Ramallah district Shot by army Bystander in stone throwing Beit Ur al-Tahta, Ramallah district
209 June 24, 2016 Majd al-Khadour 18 F near Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district Shot by army Vehicular attack Bani Naim, Hebron district
210 June 30, 2016 Muhammad Nasser Tarayra 17 M Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district Shot by security guard Stabbing attack Bani Naim, Hebron district
211 June 30, 2016 Wael Abu Saleh 46 M Netanya, Israel Shot by civilian Stabbing attack Shweika, Tulkarem district
212 July 1, 2016 Sarah Tarayra 27 F Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Bani Naim, Hebron district
213 July 1, 2016 Muhammad Mustafa Habash 63 M Qalandiya checkpoint, Ramallah district Tear gas Clashes Asira al-Shamaliya, Nablus district
214 July 13, 2016 Anwar al-Salaymeh 22 M Al-Ram, Jerusalem district Shot by army Army raid Anata, Jerusalem district
215 July 18, 2016 Mustafa Baradiya 51 M near Al-Arrub refugee camp, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Beit Fajjar, Bethlehem district
216 July 19, 2016 Muhyee Sidqi al-Tibakhi 12 M Al-Ram, Jerusalem district Shot by army Clashes Al-Ram, Jerusalem district
217 July 29, 2016 Muhammad Faqih 29 M Surif, Hebron district Killed by army Army raid Dura, Hebron district
218 July 31, 2016 Rami Muhammad Zaim Awartani 31 M Huwwara checkpoint, Nablus district Shot by army Attempted stabbing attack Nablus, Nablus district
219 August 16, 2016 Muhammad Abu Hashhash 17 M al-Fawwar refugee camp, Hebron district Shot by army Clashes al-Fawwar refugee camp, Hebron district
220 August 24, 2016 Sari Muhammad Abu Ghurab 24 M near Ariel settlement, Salfit district Shot by army Stabbing attack Qabatiya, Jenin district
221 August 26, 2016 Iyad Zakariya Hamed 38 M near Silwad, Ramallah district Shot by army Bystander near military site Silwad, Ramallah district
222 September 5, 2016 Mustafa Nimr 27 M Shufat refugee camp, Jerusalem district Shot by border police Clashes Shufat refugee camp, Jerusalem district
223 September 9, 2016 Abd al-Rahman Ahmad al-Dabbagh 15 M near Bureij refugee camp, Gaza Allegedly shot by army Clashes Bureij refugee camp, Gaza
224 September 15, 2016 Muhammad Ahmad Abd al-Fattah al-Sarrahin 30 M Beit Ula, Hebron district Shot by army, later succumbed to injuries Army raid Beit Ula, Hebron district
225 September 16, 2016 Fares Moussa Muhammad Khaddour 18 M near Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district Shot by army Alleged vehicular attack Bani Naim, Hebron district
226 September 16, 2016 Muhammad Thalji Kayid Thalji al-Rajabi 15 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
227 September 17, 2016 Hatim Abd al-Hafeeth Shaludi 25 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
228 September 19, 2016 Muhannad Jameel al-Rajabi 21 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by border police Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
229 September 19, 2016 Ameer Jamal al-Rajabi 17 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by border police Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
230 September 20, 2016 Issa Salim Mahmoud Tarayra 16 M Wadi al-Joz junction, Hebron district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Bani Naim, Hebron district
231 September 30, 2016 Nasim Abu Meizar 28 M Qalandiya checkpoint, Ramallah district Shot by army  

 

stabbing attack

Kafr Aqab, Jerusalem

Israelis killed by Palestinians

# Date of attack Name Age Gender Place of death/injury leading to death Cause of death Soldier/police Place of residence
1 October 1, 2015 Naama Henkin 30 F near Beit Furik, Nablus district Drive-by shooting No Nerya settlement, Ramallah district
2 October 1, 2015 Eitam Henkin 31 M near Beit Furik, Nablus district Drive-by shooting No Nerya settlement, Ramallah district
3 October 3, 2015 Aharon Banita 21 M Old City, East Jerusalem Stabbing attack Yes Beitar Illit settlement, Bethlehem district
4 October 3, 2015 Nehemia Lavi 41 M Old City, East Jerusalem Stabbing attack No Old City, East Jerusalem
5 October 13, 2015 Richard Lakin 76 M Jabal al-Mukabbir, East Jerusalem Shooting and stabbing attack, later succumbed to injuries No West Jerusalem
6 October 13, 2015 Haim Haviv 78 M Jabal al-Mukabbir, East Jerusalem Stabbing attack No East Talpiot settlement, East Jerusalem
7 October 13, 2015 Alon Govberg 51 M Jabal al-Mukabbir, East Jerusalem Stabbing attack No East Talpiot settlement, East Jerusalem
8 October 13, 2015 Yeshayahu Krishevsky 59 M West Jerusalem Stabbing attack No West Jerusalem
9 October 18, 2015 Omri Levi 19 M Beersheba, Israel Shooting Yes Sdei Hemed, Israel
10 October 20, 2015 Avraham Hasno 54 M near al-Fawwar, Hebron district Run over by vehicle in apparent accident No Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district
11 November 4, 2015 Binyamin Yakobovitch 19 M near Halhul, Hebron district Run over by vehicle, later succumbed to injuries Yes Kiryat Ata, Israel
12 November 13, 2015 Yaakov Litman 40 M near Otniel settlement, Hebron district Shooting No Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district
13 November 13, 2015 Natanel Litman 18 M near Otniel settlement, Hebron district Shooting No Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district
14 November 19, 2015 Yaakov Don 48 M Gush Etzion settlement, Bethlehem district Shooting No Alon Shvut settlement, Bethlehem district
15 November 19, 2015 Aharon Yesayev 32 M Tel Aviv, Israel Stabbing attack No Holon, Israel
16 November 19, 2015 Reuven Aviram 51 M Tel Aviv, Israel Stabbing attack No Ramle, Israel
17 November 22, 2015 Hadar Buchris 21 F Gush Etzion settlement, Bethlehem district Stabbing attack No Safed, Israel
18 November 23, 2015 Ziv Mizrahi 18 M near Beit Ur al-Tahta, Ramallah district Stabbing attack Yes Givat Zeev settlement, Jerusalem district
19 December 7, 2015 Gennady Kaufman 41 M Hebron, Hebron district Stabbing attack, later succumbed to injuries No Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district
20 December 23, 2015 Reuven Birmajer 45 M Old City, East Jerusalem Stabbing attack No Kiryat Yearim, Israel
21 January 1, 2016 Shimon Ruimi 30 M Tel Aviv, Israel Shooting No Ofakim, Israel
22 January 1, 2016 Alon Bakal 26 M Tel Aviv, Israel Shooting No Karmiel, Israel
23 January 17, 2016 Dafna Meir 38 F Otniel settlement, Hebron district Stabbing attack No Otniel settlement, Hebron district
24 January 25, 2016 Shlomit Krigman 23 F Bet Horon settlement, Jerusalem district Stabbing attack, later succumbed to injuries No Shadmot Mehola settlement, Tubas district
25 February 3, 2016 Hadar Cohen 19 F Old City, East Jerusalem Shooting stabbing attack Yes Or Yehuda, Israel
26 February 18, 2016 Tuvia Yanai Wissman 21 M Shaare Benyamin settlement, Ramallah district Stabbing attack Yes Maale Mikhmas settlement, Jerusalem district
27 June 7, 2016 Eido Ben Aryeh 42 M Tel Aviv, Israel Shooting No Ramat Gan, Israel
28 June 7, 2016 Elana Nave 39 F Tel Aviv, Israel Shooting No Tel Aviv, Israel
29 June 7, 2016 Michael Fayge 58 M Tel Aviv, Israel Shooting No Midreshet Ben Gurion, Israel
30 June 7, 2016 Mila Mishayiv 33 F Tel Aviv, Israel Shooting No Rishon LeZion, Israel
31 June 30, 2016 Hallel Yafa Ariel 13 F Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district Stabbing attack No Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district
32 July 1, 2016 Michael Mark 48 M Route 60, Hebron district Shooting No Otniel settlement, Hebron district

Other casualties of violence

 

#Date of attackNameAgeGenderPlace of death/injury leading to deathCause of deathNationalityKilled byPlace of residence

1October 18, 2015Haftom Zarhum29MBeersheba, IsraelShot after wrongfully suspected in attackEritreanIsraeli security guardIsrael

2November 19, 2015Shadi Zuhdi Ratib Arafa24MGush Etzion settlement, Bethlehem districtShootingPalestinianPalestinian shooterHebron, Hebron district

3November 19, 2015Ezra Schwartz18MAlon Shvut settlement, Bethlehem districtShootingAmericanPalestinian shooterUnited States

4December 23, 2015Ofer Ben Ari46MOld City, East JerusalemFriendly fireIsraeliIsraeli border policeWest Jerusalem

5January 1, 2016Amin Shaaban42MTel Aviv, IsraelShootingPalestinian with Israeli citizenshipPalestinian with Israeli citizenshipLyd, Israel

6January 23, 2016Muhammad Nabil Halabiya17MEast JerusalemHolding pipe bomb which exploded prematurelyPalestinianSelfAbu Dis, East Jerusalem

7February7, 2016Kamil Hassan32MAshkelon, IsraelCommitted stabbing attack on Israeli soldierSudaneseIsraeli soldierIsrael

8February 24, 2016Eliav Gelman31MGush Etzion settlement, Bethlehem districtFriendly fireIsraeliIsraeli soldierKarmi Tzur settlement, Hebron district9March 8, 2016Taylor Force29MJaffa, IsraelStabbingAmericanPalestinian shooterUnited States

10April 18, 2016Abd al-Hamid Abu Srour19MJerusalemCarrying out bus explosion, later succumbed to injuriesPalestinianSelfAida refugee camp, Bethlehem district

11September 16, 2016Said al-Amr28MOld City, East JerusalemAlleged attempted stabbing attackJordanianIsraeli border policeJordan

Source

WHEN BOYCOTTING THE OCCUPATION ISN’T ENOUGH

“BDS could turn from something “untouchable by European and American officials and liberal academics and activists – who understood its ultimate goal as one that not only refuses to guarantee the survival of Israel as a racist state, but also aims specifically to dismantle all its racist structures – to something increasingly safe to adopt by most of them, as it now can be used to secure Israel’s survival.”

Liberal Zionists are attempting to co-opt BDS to preserve Israeli apartheid. (Ryan Rodrick Beiler/ActiveStills)

Liberal Zionists are attempting to co-opt BDS to preserve Israeli apartheid. (Ryan Rodrick Beiler/ActiveStills)

Boycotting “the occupation” is not enough

Earlier this month, The New York Review of Books published a call for “a targeted boycott of all goods and services from all Israeli settlements in the occupied territories, and any investments that promote the occupation, until such time as a peace settlement is negotiated between the Israeli government and the Palestinian Authority.”

That call, signed by Peter Beinart, Todd Gitlin, Michael Walzer and more than 70 other liberal Zionist writers and luminaries, states that the so-called Green Line – the 1949 Armistice Line separating the occupied West Bank from present-day Israel – “should be the starting point for negotiations between the Israeli and Palestinian parties on future boundaries between two states.”

Co-opting BDS

This is precisely the kind of attempt to co-opt the success of the boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) movement that Columbia University professor Joseph Massad cautions about in a 2014 article for The Electronic Intifada: liberal Zionists aim to redefine and redirect the movement’s strength and efforts towards preserving, instead of challenging, Israel as a racist, apartheid and colonial state.

Massad warns that BDS could turn from something “untouchable by European and American officials and liberal academics and activists – who understood its ultimate goal as one that not only refuses to guarantee the survival of Israel as a racist state, but also aims specifically to dismantle all its racist structures – to something increasingly safe to adopt by most of them, as it now can be used to secure Israel’s survival.”

Palestinians must insist, Massad writes, that those in solidarity with them adopt BDS with an explicit commitment to its goals, “to bring about an end to Israel’s racism and colonialism in all its forms inside and outside the 1948 boundaries” – the whole of present-day Israel, the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip.

Opening

In the current issue of The New York Review of Books, more than 100 activists, scholars and artists from Palestine and around the world – including BDS movement co-founder Omar Barghouti, activist and scholarAngela Davis, historian Joan Scott, Pink Floyd’s Roger Waters, writer Alice Walker and South African freedom fighter Ronnie Kasrils – have responded.

The new letter – of which I am one the signers – says that it defies “common sense” to call only for “boycotting settlements while letting Israel, the state that has illegally built and maintained those settlements for decades, off the hook.”

“By omitting Israel’s other serious violations of international law, the statement fails the moral consistency test,” the letter adds. “Aren’t Palestinian refugees, the majority of Palestinians, entitled to their UN-stipulated rights? Shouldn’t Palestinian citizens of Israel enjoy equal rights by repealing Israel’s dozens of laws that racially discriminate against them?”

It emphasizes that the Palestinian call for BDS is aimed at “all entities, Israeli or international, that are complicit in denying Palestinians everywhere their rights.”

Like The Nation and The London Review of Books, The New York Review of Books has rarely opened its pages to Palestinian writers, and has been a bastion of liberal Zionist orthodoxy.

So in that sense, its publication of the letter represents a small opening in the wall of exclusion.

A POEM OF RESISTANCE FROM AND FOR PALESTINE

During travels, one gets little sleep and much time to catch-up on
emails, read, grade student papers, and even to think and reflect.
Last week in Palestine was very hectic, harvest of olives, teachings,
meeting with bureaucrats, research, mentoring students, receiving many
international and local delegations plus many local ones including
students from 4 schools) and much thus meaning a second night with
little sleep. We also lost a close friend of us and of Palestine:
Vincenzo Tradardi of Parma. We will really miss him. Other setbacks
happen daily but we are gratified by the goodness of people around us.
Volunteers, staff, students, and dedicated activists for peace and
justice. Most are struggling to grow amid the madness. I really do not
like to travel and I already miss Palestine where I feel much more
alive than anywhere else on earth. The poem below is written in
reflection.


vr

The Struggle Within

By Mazin Qumsiyeh, PhD

Facing life’s challenges and insecurity
The heart yearns for serenity

How can we ignore the oppressor’s meanness
And simply understand his weakness

With so much deception
What is to change perception?

We struggle to see the positives
Even as we are flooded with negatives

A child hungers amid flies and vultures
While billionaires invest in ventures

Zionists steal our lands
And profit from our raised hands

Tossing and turning in their dreary night
Their biggest fear is truth coming to light

The corrupt rule in Ramallah
The weak put faith in Allah

Within you feed the good wolf more
If you do not want the bad one to score

Does the struggle within have winners
Or is it only in the case of the sinners?

The righteous are also struggling
Their caring hardly a blessing

In darkness, creating, and sheltering light
Is not a life of ease or of delight

burden hard to carry in sickness or in health
the (good) struggle goes on till the last breath

“joyful participation in the sorrows of world”
Buddhists had it right – participation a key word

From good will and good deeds
We are counseled that joy springs seeds

We are advised to take time
To appreciate the sublime

For us Palestinians, it is harder to reason
After decades of colonization and treason

though words easy to say, we still struggle to understand
and even harder to plan: How we continue to withstand?

How we have resilience
How we create persistence

Perhaps what sustains us is goodness all around
And the beauty of this hallowed ground

Perhaps we see divine in all of us
not just Palestinian baby Jesus

we see it in birds singing early mornings
even bats hunting insects evenings

we see it in poor honest unemployed
in families and children when joyed

we see it in smiles and stretched hands
in the rythm of seasons in ancient lands

we see it in memories of Karameh victory
and all those who are symbols of bravery

we see it in forgotten graves of massacred
and in the hunger strikes of the incarcerated

we see it in a smile of dabka girls who carry genes
of their ancestral Canaanitic queens

we hear it in the rhythm of tabla and oud *
 the call of the athan**, church bells, and even silent sumoud

we smell it aroma of tabboun za’atar ***
taste it apricots, guava, figs, and loz akhdar****

we taste it in zibda baladiya***** with mountain honey
and in herbal medicines curing the worst agony

Countless generations passed in the arms of mother Palestine
babies from Issa to the Ahmed of maddonnas divine

Our clock will end soon and we are no more
As we join all those departed who struggled before

We bequeeth to our children beauty and burden
Thoughts pass as the plants leave their seeds in the garden

the secret to life is love and suffer grandfather told us
yet, the dust of billions of forgotten ancestors remind us

as we breathe it and eat it that we mortals must have humility
and that humility added to struggle and love equals serenity

the old country song says: in the end matters only kindness
this old country man says: humility and love can conquer our madness

*tabla and oud: eastern musical instruments corresponding to drum and guitar
**athan: muslim call to prayer
***tabboun za’atar: bread of traditional kiln with thyme
****loz akhdar: green almonds
*****Zibda baladiya: A country butter made from goat milk

ZION’S LATEST WAR WITH THE WORLD

Israel is clashing with a United Nations body tasked with honoring heritage sites after it passed a draft resolution harshly critical of Israel as the “occupying power” over Jerusalem, and both US presidential campaigns joined in rejection.

Image by Carlos Latuff

Israel is clashing with UNESCO for passing resolution critical of Israel as “occupying power” over Jerusalem

Israel is clashing with UNESCO for passing resolution critical of Israel as “occupying power” over Jerusalem

Trump and Clinton blast UNESCO statement on Jerusalem

Allison Deger

Israel is clashing with a United Nations body tasked with honoring heritage sites after it passed a draft resolution harshly critical of Israel as the “occupying power” over Jerusalem, and both US presidential campaigns joined in rejection.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu expressed especially harsh words yesterday, dubbing the document submitted by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) as “delusional.” The group failed to mention by name the Temple Mount, a sacred site in Judaism believed to be located inside of the walls of the Noble Sanctuary, a religious plaza in the Old City that shelters the al-Aqsa mosque.

“To say that Israel has no connection to the Temple Mount and the Western Wall is like saying that China has no connection to the Great Wall of China or that Egypt has no connection to the pyramids,” Netanyahu said.

Israel’s ministry of foreign affairs released the type of barb it has frequently employed in recent months when faced with a political scuffle: a tongue and cheek video, in this case blasting the United Nations. In the clip a man with an English accent reads aloud from the Christian bible, replacing the words “Temple court” with “Haram al-Sharif/al-Aqsa mosque,” and wincing with each mention.

To an outsider, the messaging may seem confused. The video’s intended audience, American Christians, would recognize it as a jab at the United Nations for using the preferred Arabic or Muslim jargon to describe the religious complex in the Old City in their resolution, and not the terms favored by the Israeli government or many streams of Christianity, the “Temple Mount.”

While none of the phrases used by UNESCO innately negates the heritage of other religions to the sanctuary in Jerusalem, Israel views it as a word torpedo aimed at Judaism’s connection to Jerusalem. So do the Trump and Clinton camps, and the U.S. government, which voted against it.

The Trump campaign said, “The United Nations’ attempt to disconnect the State of Israel from Jerusalem is a one-sided attempt to ignore Israel’s 3,000-year bond to its capital city, and is further evidence of the enormous anti-Israel bias of the U.N.”

“It’s outrageous that UNESCO would deny the deep, historic connection between Judaism and the Temple Mount,” Clinton advisor Laura Rosenberger told the JTA.

The two-page document submitted yesterday by UNESCO’s board outlined a series of allegations against Israel, charging it for destruction to the ancient plaza. The brief narrowed in on Israeli programs that harm Muslim holy sites, including construction and excavations in areas of Muslim shrines, army damage to mosques in the religious complex, tourism ventures in East Jerusalem, “segregated roads” in the West Bank and the denial of a visa for a UN monitor.

The text was not without mentions of Judaism and Christianity, the areas of contention for Israel, Trump, and Clinton.

UNESCO included a paragraph stating the “importance of the Old City of Jerusalem and its Walls for the three monotheistic religions.” In a later section it stated the Christian and Jewish connection to heritage sites in the Bethlehem area. There is no specific mention of the Temple Mount or any explicit note of unique Jewish ties to the Old City.

However, UNESCO was quick to reply that the resolution is a rough draft and will likely be significantly altered come Tuesday, according to an official with the body in Paris. The official then directed Mondoweiss to a video statement by Michael Worbs, the chairperson of UNESCO, who said he does understand the Israeli frustration. “I understand this perception,” he said, but Jewish and Christian considerations were made. 

“[B]ut [we] have also to admit for the first time, the Arab group added a paragraph saying at the beginning of the decision, saying, Jerusalem is a place of the three monotheistic religions so there is a recognition [of Judaism], although I do admit it was not balanced all over the text,” Worbs said, referencing the drafters, Algeria, Egypt, Lebanon, Morocco, Oman, Qatar and Sudan.

The resolution passed the first vote yesterday by 24-6, with 26 abstentions. It will be finalized in another vote on Tuesday.

Not included in the flurry of condemnations today was the Palestinian government, which was busy holding a conference inside of the United Nations Security Council on Israeli settlements in the West Bank. If the Palestinians move forward, this will be their second attempt to seek Security Council intervention to end the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza.

The roster of speakers at headquarters in New York included the Israeli human rights group B’Tselem and the organization American for Peace Now.

“After almost half a century of Israeli military control over millions of people, the occupation is only deepening, while the settlements – one of the main reasons for daily violations of Palestinians’ human rights – continue to expand,” B’Tselem said in advance of its presentation. “Under these circumstances, it would be unreasonable to consider the occupation temporary or to believe that Israel intends to change this reality in the foreseeable future.”

AN INTERVIEW WITH STEVE AMSEL OF DESERT PEACE

Steve Amsel: Peace is the only alternative for Israelis and Palestinians

The video about our interview with Steve Amsel of Desert Peace about peace as the only alternative for Palestine and Israel. Anti-Zionism means opposition to apartheid and oppression, not Anti-Semitism.

The interview can be seen HERE in German ….

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And HERE in English

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HERE in Italian

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