ISRAEL IS BURNING ~~ THE VIDEO

Israel is burning – a brave article by Evelyn Hecht-Galinski

Text originally posted as (Click on link)

‘ONLY HE TO WHOM THE LAND DOESN’T BELONG TO IS CAPABLE OF BURNING IT’

‘ONLY HE TO WHOM THE LAND DOESN’T BELONG TO IS CAPABLE OF BURNING IT’

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Recently Israel was ablaze. The government was quick to declare the fires ‘arson’ set by Palestinians to destroy the land ….

But the reality is ….

“Only he to whom the land doesn’t belong is capable of burning it”.

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Only he to whom the land doesn’t belong is capable of burning it

by Evelyn Hecht-Galinski

English translation by Milena Rampoldi, , edited by William Hanna  

With regards to the recent fires in the “Jewish State” we can only agree with Naftali Bennett who tweeted: “Only he to whom the land doesn’t belong is capable of burning it”. He is the right-wing Minister of Education and the President of the Party “Jewish Home” and the “Settlers‘ King” who made of the racist settlers‘ party a powerful coalition partner within the Netanyahu regime. And it is him who dreams of  Eretz Israel, the Great Israel, from the Mediterranean to Jordan, and in addition wants to annex big parts of the illegally occupied West Bank.  

Who does the land belong to? Certainly not to the ethnic cleansing Jewish occupiers who have displaced the indigenous Palestinian people. As a consequence of the fires, Bennett and his right-wing colleague, Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman called for an expansion of Jewish settlements on occupied land and promptly authorized the building of 500 new settlement units! Also in this instance, the coward members of the German Government have remained silent because for them the existence of “a Jewish state” takes an important priority over human rights and international law.

This raises the question of “why is the Jewish state burning?” The majority of the hundreds of millions of trees planted since the Nakba by the Jewish National Fund, are conifers and particularly pines. The trees were planted for the benefit of the Jewish European immigrant ethnic cleansers so as to enable them to feel at home in a land for which they had no love, but simply wanted to possess.

Since Biblical times, trees planted in Palestine were suited for the dry land – such as olive trees – which were vital for the livelihood of Palestinian farmers and their families. Other trees included carob, mulberry, and low oaks which were all ecologically suitable vegetation. Such trees were and are still being systematically destroyed by the Zionist intruders to deprive the Palestinians of their livelihood.

This raises a further question of whether the current and previous fires – such as the 2010 Mount Carmel forest fire – were natural or cases of deliberate arson. The use of European monoculture to transform the “Jewish State” into a “Small Switzerland” is, however, doomed to failure. From the beginning, the Zionist intruders spoke about “Arabs” condescendingly with the Palestinians and their land being referred to as  “uncultured” and “uncultivated” as compared to the blossoming “Jewish” landscapes which alone were worthy of praise.

Consequently the effectiveness of this hasbara (propaganda) has deceived the whole world into overlooking the ethnic cleansing of Palestine while accepting Israel’s “green-wash” disinformation including that relating to the drainage of important lakes and water sources of the indigenous Palestinian inhabitants. The scarcity of water for Palestinians has been further exacerbated by decades of unrestricted theft by Israel of Palestinian water that is then used to supply the illegal settlements. The extensive damage caused by such water theft in the illegally occupied West Bank and the barbarically blockaded Gaza Strip is indescribable! So far,  the endless decades-long ethnic cleansing of Palestine has been tolerated by the hypocritical international community in general, and by the West and Germany in particular.

From the beginning, Zionism’s aim has been to erase the memory of the Nakba by rewriting history in favour of Israel and Judaising the map of Palestine. Such blatant “Nakba denial” must be also criminalized in line “Holocaust denial.” It is not without reason that the powerful Israel lobby repeatedly endeavours to prevent exhibitions that present the truth about the “Nakba” and the brutal forced expulsions that preceded and followed the Israeli Declaration of Independence.

Since its foundation in 1948, with its Zionist exclusive right to the stolen land, the “Jewish State” has not only systematically violated human rights and international law, but also all accepted ecological standards. The destruction of Palestinian fields and olive groves; the systematic poisoning of fields of Palestinian farmers; and the ethnic cleansing by the “Jewish State,” Jewish settlers, the Jewish National Fund JNF/KKL under the guise of green-washing and international sponsorship that only served the colonialism of an Apartheid Jewish State. In this regard, Germany stands guilty of always donating more woods in the name of German Federal Regions or with the name of politicians (Mißfelder!) for the JNF and Israel. While Palestinians are displaced and their trees destroyed, German politicians spectacularly plant trees in the “Jewish State” like German Foreign Minister Steinmeier!

It is frightening that to this day the false Zionist sound bite of “a land without people, for a people without land” continues to justify land expropriations despite international human rights laws prohibiting such practices. A particularly bad example in this context is the so called “Canada Park” grassed for millions of Dollars by the Himnuta Organisation, a 99% subsidiary company of JNF/KKL on the ruins of Palestinian villages, with secret financial sources and expenses. (1)

For these “green-washers” the future US-President Donald Trump comes just at the right time, having already supported Israel’s right to have Jerusalem as its capital! Under the guise of environmental protection — at the expense of the Palestinian people, and by means of the land dispossession supported by German-Israeli projects in forestry and irrigation — this will in time become possible through continual illegal occupation and by dispossession of the land and water resources of a people “thirsty for justice”.

Without the displacement of Palestinians there would be no “Jewish State.” It was the infamous Josef Weitz, President of the Jewish National Fund, and one of the most fanatic advocates of “transferring” the Palestinians who in 1940 noted in his diary that  “the transfer does not just pursue the aim to reduce the Arab population, but it also serves for the second objective which is not unimportant and consists of emptying the land cultivated by Arabs to make it free for Jewish settlement. The only solution is to transfer the Arabs from here to the neighbouring countries. We have not to omit neither one village nor one tribe.” All this and much more is cited by Ilan Pappe in his commendable book The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine.

To this day, this “transfer” concept has been is the policy of both politicians in the “Jewish State” and of Jewish Saloon-Zionists in diaspora. That policy has included as its first priority the denial to Palestinian refugees their legitimate right of return to their homeland so as to conquer all of Palestine – in violation of international law – for a strictly “Jewish start.”

However, as long as the duplicitous Western “community of values” is complicit in this injustice, and as long as the blazing flames of the illegal occupation are not extinguished, the “Jewish State” will burn.

“Only he to whom the land doesn’t belong is capable of burning it” – what a truth!
From the River to the Sea Palestine will be free!

Written FOR

MUCH ADO ABOUT WHO’S A JEW

Most Jews do not want rabbis to determine who is Jewish, and the Israeli government may need to consider changes to the Law of Return, a new study has found.

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Most Jews Say Rabbis Shouldn’t Decide Who Is Jewish

Most Jews do not want rabbis to determine who is Jewish, and the Israeli government may need to consider changes to the Law of Return, a new study has found.

The report issued this week by the Jewish People Policy Institute recommends strengthening the sense of “Jewish peoplehood” among mixed families, partial Jews and non-Jews affiliated with Judaism.

It is the Jerusalem-based institute’s third report on the Structured Jewish World Dialogue, a systematic discourse that took place in 49 seminars worldwide on issues that are at the core of the collective interests of the Jewish people globally.

Dialogue participants said they believe that culture and peoplehood are the most significant aspects of Judaism, more than religion and ancestry, and thus they value caring for other Jews more than keeping the laws of the Torah.

While recognizing that religious denominations will continue to set their own standards for life cycle and other events, leadership seminars strongly endorsed the general posture of being welcoming to all who seek to participate in Jewish life. The more than 600 leaders also affirmed the desire to maintain selective communal norms that would affirm the more traditional standards. For example, the leadership almost universally wanted the professional head of North American federations to continue to be Jewish according to halachah, or Jewish law.

The report also suggests, in the wake of cultural and demographic developments in the Jewish world, whether Israel might consider changes in the criteria governing the Law of Return, which guarantees every Jew a place in Israel, to determine eligibility.

In addition, fewer than 25 percent of the participants believe that rabbis should decide “Who is a Jew,” saying that self-definition and community were better determinants.

The 129-page report considers other topics researched within the scope of the Jewish People Policy Institute’s project such as intermarriage, Israel’s role in defining Judaism, and the Jewishness of leaders and material resources.

ANTI SEMITISM IS GOOD FOR ISRAEL

“It would be good to have some anti-Semitism in America. Not serious anti-Semitism, not pogroms, not persecutions that will empty America from its Jews, as we need them there, but just a taste of this pungent stuff, so that we can restore our faith in Zionism.”

Image by Carlos Latuff

Anti Semitism - created and maintained by the Lobby and the ADL

Anti Semitism – created and maintained by the Lobby and the ADL

Why Israeli leaders are welcoming rise of anti-Semitism in US

One of Israel’s most prominent broadcasters says Israeli leaders are welcoming the resurgence of white nationalism and anti-Semitism in the United States that has accompanied Donald Trump’s winning presidential campaign.

In a column for Israel’s Ynet, Yaron London, long a prime-time host on Israel’s Channel 10, wrote that “a worldview which supports white supremacy matches our government’s interests.”

London elaborates on why the rise of white nationalism, a political movement many of whose adherents openly identify with the Ku Klux Klan and even Nazism, would be seen as beneficial to Israel.

“To do the Netanyahu government justice, let me qualify my statement by saying that all forms of Zionism hold the perception that a certain extent of anti-Semitism benefits the Zionist enterprise,” London writes.

“If Trump’s people are more disgusted by Arabs than they are by Jews … we have struck quite a good deal,” he adds, noting that “Trump and his friends see Israel as a forefront against the barbarians.”

“To put it more sharply, anti-Semitism is the generator and ally of Zionism,” London states.

No Zionism without anti-Semitism

As a practical matter, London observes, Israel would not be viable without hatred of Jews: “Masses of Jews are shoved to this country rather than being attracted to it. The yearning for the land of Zion and Jerusalem is not strong enough to drive millions of Jews to the country they love and make them hold on to its clods.”

This is something Israeli leaders understand well, which is why they have exploited recent mass atrocities in France to urge Jews to emigrate from Europe.

London concludes that “it would be good to have some anti-Semitism in America. Not serious anti-Semitism, not pogroms, not persecutions that will empty America from its Jews, as we need them there, but just a taste of this pungent stuff, so that we can restore our faith in Zionism.”

Such views will shock anyone who does not know the long history of collusion between Zionism and anti-Semitism, which Columbia University professor Joseph Massad explains in a 2013 article for Al Jazeera English.

“Jewish opponents of Zionism understood the movement since its early age as one that shared the precepts of anti-Semitism in its diagnosis of what gentile Europeans called the ‘Jewish Question,’” Massad writes. “What galled anti-Zionist Jews the most, however, was that Zionism also shared the ‘solution’ to the Jewish Question that anti-Semites had always advocated, namely the expulsion of Jews from Europe.”

After Al Jazeera published Massad’s accurate account of history, former Israeli prison guard and current editor of The Atlantic Jeffrey Goldberg, denounced the network for allegedly publishing “one of the most anti-Jewish screeds in recent memory.”

Al Jazeera promptly took the article down, later restoring it, after an uproar over its blatant act of censorship.

It remains to be seen whether Goldberg will denounce Yaron London for actually welcoming anti-Semitism.

Israeli enthusiasm for Trump

Indeed, such has been the enthusiasm of Israeli ministers for the incoming Trump administration that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had to issue a directive ordering his cabinet colleagues to stop trying to make contact with the president-elect’s team.

This came after education minister Naftali Bennett spoke at a New York gala of the Zionist Organization of America (ZOA) on Sunday, which Trump’s chief strategist Steve Bannon was expected to attend.

Bannon was chairman of Breitbart News, the website he described as the “the platform for the alt-right.”

The alt-right, or alternative right, is an avowedly white supremacist movement, whose leading figure Richard Spencer has called his quest for a white “ethno-state” a form of “white Zionism.”

Spencer has also hailed Trump’s presidential campaign as a vehicle that has helped usher his fringe movement increasingly into the mainstream.

Despite the reports about Bannon’s promotion of anti-Semitism, the Trump adviser has been embraced by Israeli leaders, including the head of a West Bank settler council, as well as by agriculture minister Uri Ariel.

In a letter published at Breitbart News, Ariel thanks Bannon “for your friendship with Israel.”

“While we do not know each other personally, dear friends of mine including Rabbi Shmuley Boteach have shared with me your strong opposition to the Iran nuclear agreement, which threatens Israel’s survival, your opposition to BDS [boycott, divestment and sanctions] and your opening of a Jerusalem bureau in Israel while head of Breitbart in order to promote Israeli point of view [sic] in the media,” Ariel adds.

Shared bigotry

Boteach is a right-wing celebrity rabbi who, as Rob Bryan reported for AlterNet’s Grayzone Project earlier this year, “appointed himself Trump’s top Jewish surrogate.”

Bryan predicted that Boteach’s job for the Trump campaign would consist of “applying the kosher stamp to a candidate who enjoys enthusiastic support from leading neo-Nazis.”

In a similar vein, Fox News commentator and self-identified “Ivy League-educated Jewish kid from New York” Wayne Allyn Root, is insisting that Trump be hailed as “America’s first Jewish president.”

Why? Because Trump “made his fortune in real estate,” has a home in South Florida and because “he could be the most pro-Israel president in history.”

Root also asserts that Trump’s promises to stop “the mass importation of Muslim refugees should be welcomed and enthusiastically embraced by every American Jew.”

As for Uri Ariel, he is a leading supporter of extremist Jewish settler groups who, with support from the Israeli government, aim to destroy the al-Aqsa mosque in Jerusalem and replace it with a Jewish temple.

Resistance

Zionist Organization of America leader Morton Klein told the Tel Aviv newspaper Haaretz that Bannon had been expected at his organization’s gala on Sunday, and that Trump himself might have shown up.

But Klein said that the hundreds of protesters outside, many young progressive Jews from groups including IfNotNow, had deterred Bannon from showing up.

The gala was nonetheless a who’s who of pro-Israel extremism in the US.

Participants included former Harvard law professor and Bannon defender Alan Dershowitz as well as Sheldon Adelson, the billionaire funder of anti-Palestinian causes.

Klein gave a measure of his organization’s anti-Palestinian fanaticism, declaring to Haaretz that “it is a myth that Jerusalem is holy to Muslims” and asserting that “there is no occupation.”

Meanwhile, journalist Dan Cohen noted that “the Jewish generational divide” was clearly visible in the difference between the predominantly older attendees at the ZOA event, and the youthful protesters outside.

 What is also apparent is the growing political divide. On one side there are those who are willing to support Israel and Zionism at any cost, even if it means openly allying with Islamophobes, white supremacists and anti-Semites.On the other side, are all those, including Palestinians and Jews, united against this open embrace of the most poisonous forms of racism.

In a Facebook post, IfNotNow called its protest in New York a promising victory:

“If 700 Jews can keep Stephen Bannon from speaking at ZOA Gala, building the #JewishResistance can keep him from the White House and stop the violent policies of the Trump administration: racism, misogyny, Islamophobia, anti-Semitism, queerphobia and all forms of oppression.”

TRUMP ~~ UNIFIER EXTRAORDINAIRE

What you are about to witness is historic; it is the will of the people to act collectively and in the service of the public good.

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Thank you Mr. Trump, the unifier

ZION REDEFINES ANTI SEMITISM ~~ AND A PHOTO ESSAY TOO

I don’t think anybody should be called or accused of being anti-Semitic unless the evidence is overwhelming.

An anti-Semite is acceptable if he supports the Zionist State of Israel.

Image by Carlos Latuff

According to AlanDershowitz antisemitic racists are friends but people demanding equal rights are nazis

According to AlanDershowitz antisemitic racists are friends but people demanding equal rights are nazis

After years of careless accusation, Dershowitz says anti-Semitism charges must be ‘very careful’

It must have been tough, but Breitbart’s Jerusalem bureau chief and investigative reporter tracked Alan Dershowitz down in Tel Aviv for comment on the Steve Bannon controversy. And longtime Dershowitz followers may be surprised to learn that he is defending the man who could become the most highly-placed American official accused of anti-Semitism in many decades, in this interview with Aaron Klein:

I think we have to be very careful before we accuse any particular individual of being an anti-Semite . . .  And I think one has to be very careful about using the term anti-Semitic.

But “care” about using the words anti-Semite has never been the hallmark of Dershowitz’s long career as a polemicist.

Was he being “careful” when he said that Black Lives Matter was guilty of an anti-Semitic “blood libel” in charging Israel with genocide against Palestinians?

Was he “careful” when he likened Judge Richard Goldstone to Nazi Dr. Mengele after Goldstone put out a report highly critical of Israel in 2009, which Dershowitz termed a “blood libel”?

Was he practicing “care” when he flatly described the late Harvard President Nathan Pusey as an anti-Semite in his book Chutzpah, and accused the entire American legal profession of anti-Semitism?

“Upon learning of the way law was practiced in American firms, I resolved never to become part of that system.”

More from the Breitbart interview:

I don’t think anybody should be called or accused of being anti-Semitic unless the evidence is overwhelming.

Was the evidence “overwhelming” with Jimmy Carter and Desmond Tutu — when Dershowitz accused them of mainstreaming anti-Semitism because they were critical of Israel? And said that Carter had the “blood of thousands” on his hands?

Dershowitz says that Bannon is a friend of Jews:

The evidence certainly suggests that Mr. Bannon has very good relationships with individual Jews. My former researcher, Joel Pollak, is an Orthodox Jew who takes off the Jewish holidays, who is a committed Jew and a committed Zionist, and he has worked closely with him. He has been supportive of Israel.

Is that the one and only criterion of whether someone is an anti-Semite or not? Being supportive of Israel?  I think it might be.

So, I haven’t seen any evidence of personal anti-Semitism on the part of Bannon. I think the [Breitbart] headline about a Conservative Republican being a renegade Jew was ill-advised. But it doesn’t suggest to me anti-Semitism. It suggests to me a degree of carelessness.

“Ill-advised.” So who “advised” Stephen Bannon to make that nasty crack about Bill Kristol? Why weren’t Walt and Mearsheimer only “ill-advised” and “careless,” instead of, as Dershowitz said, guilty of writing a “hate-filled screed against Jewish participation in American politics.”

Dershowitz goes on to apologize for Trump.

I think the larger problem – and it’s a very complicated one today – is how you assess a person who himself might not have negative characteristics, but who has widespread appeal to people who do. And I think that problem exists on the right and the left. I think there are left-wing candidates who appeal to some of the worst bigots on the hard left. Anti-Semites on the hard left. Anti-Israel people on the hard left. And I think the same thing is probably true of some very right-wing conservatives who appeal advertently or inadvertently to people whose values they probably themselves don’t agree with.

He is obviously worried that Trump may not be pro-Israel, and so he is sucking up to him.

But it is not legitimate to call somebody an anti-Semite because you might disagree with their policies.  Or because in one instance, like in the Bannon case, an aggrieved wife in a divorce may have said something which he himself has denied having said. I think you always have to have a presumption of innocence and of good faith.

“Innocence” and “good faith?” Doesn’t that describe Students for Justice in Palestine, who Dershowitz has not hesitated to call anti-Semites? And what about anyone who supports Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) against Israel — Dershowitz has accused them too of anti-Semitism.

Meanwhile, on the streets of New York ….

On Sunday night, 11/20/16, many hundreds of people gathered in  front of NYC’s main library at Fifth Avenue and 42nd St. to protest the Zionist Organization Of America (ZOA) invitation to Steve Bannon, an anti-Semitic white nationalist and a current member of Trump’s incoming administration,  to speak at their annual awards dinner.

The principle of the ZOA appears to be  that an anti-Semite is acceptable if he supports the Zionist State of Israel.

The hundreds of protesters came from a  wide variety of Jewish  organizations as well  as individual participants. There were secular Jews, religious Jews, civil rights activists, youth and older citizens.

After the speeches at the library the protesters began a march to the  Grand Hyatt Hotel where the dinner was taking place. As they walked they shouted for the firing of Bannon chanted against Trump.  At the hotel the streets were jammed by the protesters with their chanting:   “When Muslim communities are under attack

                               What do we do? Stand up, Fight back.”

                               “2 4 6 8: No to Trump, No to Hate.”

                               “GOP (Trump) you can’t hide, we can see                                   Your racist side!”

Photos and commentary © by Bud Korotzer

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Related report (Click on link)

Bannon a no-show at ZOA gala as protesters gather outside

HOW THE ‘SUPER MOON’ AFFECTED THE SUPER LUNATICS IN ISRAEL

Olive harvest time is a traditional season for pogroms in the West Bank, but this was one of the most violent.

Image by Carlos Latuff

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 Israel’s #1 Lunatic

Image by Amos Biderman

Image by Amos Biderman

A Pogrom Shakes a Palestinian Village Strangled by Israeli Settlements

A dozen masked settlers wielding knives and clubs and yelling ‘death to Arabs’ attacked five Palestinian farmers who were harvesting olives; ‘They came to kill,’ one victim says.

Gideon Levy and Alex Levac

It was a pogrom.

The survivors are five congenial Palestinian farmers who speak broken Hebrew and work in construction in Israel, with valid entry permits. On weekends they cultivate what is left of their lands, most of which were plundered for the benefit of the settlements that choke their village, Janiya, outside Ramallah. They are convinced that they survived last Saturday’s attack only by a miracle.

“Pogrom” really is the only word that describes what they endured. “We will kill you!” the assailants shouted, as they beat the men over the head and on their bodies with clubs and iron pipes, and brandished serrated knives. The only “crime” of the Palestinians, who were in the midst of harvesting their olives when the settlers swooped down on them, was that they were Palestinians who had the temerity to work their land.

Olive harvest time is a traditional season for pogroms in the West Bank, but this was one of the most violent. No Israeli official condemned the assault, no one got upset. One victim needed 20 stitches in his head, another suffered a broken arm and shoulder, a third is limping, a fourth lost his front teeth. Only one managed to get away from the attackers, but he was also hobbled, when he injured his leg on the rocky terrain as he fled.

The farmers, who days later were still in shock from the experience, were evacuated by fellow villagers; the olives remain scattered on the ground. Now they are afraid to go back to the groves. This weekend, they promised themselves, they will send young people from Janiya to collect what was harvested and to complete the work. They themselves, their bodies and spirits battered, say they are incapable of doing anything.

The assailants, about a dozen masked settlers, are seen in a video taken by a local resident, Ahmed al-Mazlim, as they – apparently flushed with the excitement of their act – made their way back to their huts, which are scattered below the settlement of Neria, also known as North Talmon, between Modi’in and Ramallah. This was their “oneg Shabbat,” their Sabbath joy: descending into the valley and beating up people who were working their land, as innocent as they were helpless – possibly even with intent to kill. A peaceful weekend.

The settlers are seen climbing slowly back up to the huts of their unauthorized outpost, which is planted on the hillside below Neria. They are not in any hurry – after all, no one is going to catch them. Finally they sit down on the porch of one of the huts to quench their thirst with a canteen.

I’ve never before seen criminals leaving the scene of the crime with such indifference. Maybe they were exhausted from their labors – thrashing Arabs – tired but happy. Yotam Berger, the Haaretz reporter who was the first to publish the video, visited the huts the day after the pogrom. It was clear to him that settlers lived there, even though the structures were empty when he arrived. No arrests have been made so far, and past experience suggests that none will be made. The police are investigating.

Janiya, a small village of 1,400 souls in the central West Bank, made a living from its lands until most of them were grabbed by the nearby settlements, beginning in the late 1980s. Few regions are as dense with settlers as this one; few villages have had as much of their land plundered as Janiya. Of the original 50,000-60,000 dunams (12,500-15,000 acres) owned by its residents, only 7,000 remain in their hands. The village is being suffocated.

From a vantage point at its edge, we can view the valley in which the assault was perpetrated, and the nearby settlements. Our guide is Iyad Hadad, a field researcher for the Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem. Beneath us, the homes of Talmon A abut Janiya’s remaining lands, quite close to the villagers’ houses. Just stretch out your hand and touch them; one more expansion project and they’re inside Janiya.

To the right – southeast – is the settlement of Dolev, on behalf of whose residents Israel blocked the main road to Ramallah for years. Perched on the hill opposite is Talmon B; next to it is Talmon C; and there, on the horizon, lies Talmon D. An Israel Defense Forces base stands on the top of the hill, at a distance.

Every hilltop here poses another threat to the quiet village. Neria overlooks the olive grove belonging to the Abu Fuheida family and the terraced slopes leading down to it. The dwellings of the “hilltop youths” are scattered across the whole expanse, beneath the Talmons, dozens of meters apart from each other.

It’s quiet in the valley. Some of Janiya’s olive groves now lie on property owned by the settlements; when they are harvested, it’s done in coordination with the Israel Defense Forces. For example, olives were picked in Palestinian-tended parts of Talmon A last week. But the attack by the settlers was perpetrated in a location where coordination isn’t required, because it’s not on the property of any settlement.

This is the end of the harvesting season, and this is a wadi called Natashath. It’s Saturday morning, a beautiful day, and five members of the Abu Fuheida family – Sa’il, Hassan, Sabar, Sa’ad and Mohammed – descend to their family grove, where they have about 70 olive trees. It’s about 8:30; there are no other farmers around. They carry bags (“No knives,” one of them quickly makes clear) that are spread out on the ground to catch the fallen olives, along with a bottle of Coca-Cola, tomatoes, pita and cold cuts. This is not a good year for olives – the harvest has been meager.

They work until midday, sit down to eat and go back to the ladders. Their plan is to complete the harvest by evening. But then the assailants sweep down out of nowhere; the harvesters, up on ladders, heads amid the branches, don’t see them. Only Sa’il, at 57 the eldest of the group and the only one not on a ladder, is able to get away, only to be injured in the course of his panicky flight.

According to Sa’il and to his wounded brother Hassan, there were 10, perhaps 15 attackers. They looked young and robust. One of the four who assaulted Hassan wore glasses; Hassan saw only his eyes. He was the one who gave him the worst pummeling, adds Hassan. All were holding pipes, clubs, sticks or knives. There was also one who seemed to be a lookout: He stood atop the hill next to Neria, armed with a rifle, apparently observing the goings-on. “Kill the Arabs! Kill the Arabs!” the attackers shouted. “We will kill you, you sluts.”

Sa’il: “They were aggressive, violent, I’ve never seen an attack like it. They came to kill.”

The villagers scampered down from the ladders, straight into the hands of the attackers, who grabbed Sabar first, then Hassan, surrounding them – a few settlers for every Palestinian – and walloping them. Sabar was the first to lose consciousness, Hassan says he also passed out. The pogromists tried to hit them on the head, but Hassan protected his with his hands. His right hand is now bandaged, stitched up and in a sling, four of his teeth were knocked out and his lip was cut, too. He is barely functioning and his speech is slurred.

The attack went on for between five and 10 minutes. One of the cousins, Mohammed, managed to flee at one stage, after being slightly wounded, and he summoned help from the village. When the assailants left, the wounded were taken in ambulances and private cars to the Ramallah Government Hospital. Hassan relates that he regained consciousness in his brother’s house, where he had been taken by villagers before being evacuated to the hospital. He gets dizzy when he stands up. He was certain he was going to die, says Hassan, a construction worker in Rishon Letzion (“with a proper permit”).

Only Hassan and Sa’il were in the village when we visited this week (the other three victims had gone to Binyamin Region headquarters, to give testimony to the police.) Their home was packed with visitors offering words of comfort to the victims. The assailants are insane, their cousin Sahar tells us: “They hate the Arabs, they hate the smell of Arabs, they see an Arab and want to trample him underfoot. They want to kill us. They don’t want Arabs here. And they do whatever they feel like.”

We sat in the shade of the bougainvillea in the yard of the family house. I asked Hassan what he thought about what happened. A faint smile crossed his wounded lips, as he replied, “I don’t know what to think. This happens every year.”

Source and photos AT

WILL PRESIDENT TRUMP MAKE PALESTINE GREAT AGAIN?

The only thing that can be said about President-elect Donald Trump with any confidence is that no one knows exactly what he will do.

Earlier in the campaign he insisted that he would be even-handed in dealings with Israelis and Palestinians, driving many of Israel’s most fanatical and neoconservative supporters into Clinton’s arms.

But facing a backlash, he quickly pivoted, promising Netanyahu he would recognize Jerusalem as the “undivided capital of the State of Israel,” and actively encouraging Israel to continue building colonial settlements in the occupied West Bank.

What will the 'new Goliath' do?

What will the ‘new Goliath’ do?

What will President Trump mean for Palestine?

On a day that most people expected not to see, we can say few things with certainty.

One of them is that Hillary Clinton would have been a disastrous president for those supporting the Palestinian struggle for their rights.

Her failed campaign pitched her as the natural successor to President Barack Obama, the Democrat who just unconditionally handed Israel the biggest military aid package in history.

During the Democratic primary campaign, Clinton marketed herself as a belligerent and violently hawkish ally of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu against the Palestinian people.

She vowed to make blocking the nonviolent Palestinian-led boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) movement a priority of her would-be administration.

She went out of her way to campaign against the mildest efforts to hold Israel accountable, including appealing directly to members of her United Methodist Church last spring to vote against divestment from companies that assist and profit from Israel’s occupation.

Clinton positioned herself as an anti-Palestinian extremist at a time when the Democratic Party base showed itself more open than ever to embracing Palestinian rights.

Her extreme support for Israel is just one of the many ways she and her party operatives pandered to donorsand revealed themselves to be out of touch with large segments of the country they had taken for granted.

But Hillary Clinton will not be president.

President Trump

The only thing that can be said about President-elect Donald Trump with any confidence is that no one knows exactly what he will do.

Earlier in the campaign he insisted that he would be even-handed in dealings with Israelis and Palestinians, driving many of Israel’s most fanatical and neoconservative supporters into Clinton’s arms.

But facing a backlash, he quickly pivoted, promising Netanyahu he would recognize Jerusalem as the “undivided capital of the State of Israel,” and actively encouraging Israel to continue building colonial settlements in the occupied West Bank.

Trump still showed flashes of unwillingness to appease. After winning his party’s nomination in July, he brushed off a reporter’s question about whether he would follow the “tradition” of other Republican candidates and visit Israel.

“It’s a tradition, but I’m not traditional,” Trump shot back.

Even if these changes reveal an erratic man with no fixed views, Trump’s most pro-Israel positions don’t differ much in substance from the policies of Obama, on whose watch settlement construction more than matched the pace during the term of President George W. Bush.

Visceral fears

In his victory speech last night, Trump returned to a regular theme: “We will get along with all other nations willing to get along with us … We’ll have great relationships. We expect to have great, great relationships.”

That will be little comfort to people in the US and around the world whose visceral fears are stoked by the forces that helped propel Trump’s rise: his racist baiting and incitement against Muslims and Mexicans, his boasts about sexually assaulting women, his denial of global warming and his indulgence of anti-Semitic white supremacists, including the Ku Klux Klan, which gave him its endorsement.

The Israeli counterparts of these vile American racists are celebrating Trump’s victory today.

Netanyahu congratulated Trump, calling him a “true friend of Israel.”

“I am confident President-elect Trump and I will continue to strengthen the alliance between our two countries and bring it to greater heights,” the Israeli prime minister added.

Naftali Bennett, the Israeli education minister who has boasted about his killings of Arabs, hailed the coming Trump era.

“Trump’s victory is an opportunity for Israel to immediately retract the notion of a Palestinian state in the center of the country, which would hurt our security and just cause,” Bennett said.

But the so-called two-state solution was already dead and Clinton would not have changed that.

Fighting back

The Palestinian cause has already shifted to a struggle for equality against an entrenched system of Israeli occupation, settler-colonialism and apartheid anchored and rooted in support from the US bipartisan establishment.

Palestinians were not waiting for the result of the US election to decide which way their struggle would go.

Trump has won, but some things have not changed. Over the last decade, support for Palestinian rights has been rising in the United States, particularly among the young – and in the increasingly diverse Democratic Party base that has been utterly failed by its establishment leadership.

More than ever, people understand that US support for Israel comes not only from the same places where support for white supremacy, mass incarceration, unchecked police violence and US militarism and imperialism are strongest.

It also stems from the liberal, pro-human rights circles that championed Clinton, who more often than not equate colonizer and colonized, oppressor and oppressed, occupation and resistance.

This base has no choice now but to rally from its despair, which at any rate the election of either candidate would have precipitated, to keep organizing and fighting for its rights and the rights of people around the world.

The truth is, we had no choice but to wage that fight anyway.

KOSHER SLAUGHTER ~~ DON’T THINK TWICE, IT’S NOT ALRIGHT!

Kosher Slaughter in South America

This exposé shows that slaughterhouses that export beef to Israel are still using the primitive “shackle and hoist” kosher slaughter method, despite promises by Israel’s chief rabbi to phase out this cruel practice.

(Not for the faint of heart)

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A growing trend, possibly a result of the above ….

Did you know that Israel is the country with the highest percentage of vegan population in the world? Did you know that two of our main dishes are completely vegan?

Observant Jews and Arabs, health nuts and environmental activists alike have all embraced Israel’s newest culinary craze: veganism.

Observant Jews and Arabs, health nuts and environmental activists alike have all embraced Israel’s newest culinary craze: veganism.

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Now if we can only find a way to stop the kosher slaughter of Palestinian civilians

MAKE UP YOUR MIND ROBERT DE NIRO!

First there was this …..

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Now this …..

American Friends of the IDF (FIDF) held last night an event in Los Angeles’ Beverly Hilton hotel to honor IDF soldiers. Some 1,200 arrived from the US and Israel.

Those in attendance included Oscar-winning movie star Robert De Niro and media personality Larry King, the movie star, bodybuilder and former California governor Arnold Schwarzenegger, actress Joanna Krupa, and actor Gerard Butler.

Robert De Niro, Larry King, and Haim Saban with soldiers (AJR Photography)

Robert De Niro, Larry King, and Haim Saban with soldiers (AJR Photography)

Hollywood salutes IDF soldiers

Hollywood stars came to show support for IDF soldiers at annual FIDF gala event in Los Angeles.

Full report HERE

MAKE UP YOUR MIND ROBERT DE NIRO!

And this is Hollywood as we know it today …

Images by Carlos Latuff

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HOW BALFOUR’S ‘PROMISE’ AND BRITAIN DESTROYED PALESTINE

Ninety-nine years later, the British government is yet to possess the moral courage to take responsibility for what their government has done to the Palestinian people.  

Ninety-nine years later, Palestinians insist that their rights in Palestine cannot be dismissed, neither by Balfour, nor by his modern peers in “Her Majesty’s Government”.

"The Zionists claimed Palestine and renamed it 'Israel'" [Getty Images]

“The Zionists claimed Palestine and renamed it ‘Israel'” [Getty Images]

How Britain Destroyed the Palestinian Homeland

Ninety-nine years since Balfour’s “promise”, Palestinians insist that their rights in Palestine cannot be dismissed.

Ramzy Baroud

When I was a child growing up in a Gaza refugee camp, I looked forward to November 2. On that day, every year, thousands of students and camp residents would descend upon the main square of the camp, carrying Palestinian flags and placards, to denounce the Balfour Declaration.

Truthfully, my giddiness then was motivated largely by the fact that schools would inevitably shut down and, following a brief but bloody confrontation with the Israeli army, I would go home early to the loving embrace of my mother, where I would eat a snack and watch cartoons. 

At the time, I had no idea who Balfour actually was, and how his “declaration” all those years ago had altered the destiny of my family and, by extension, my life and the lives of my children as well.

All I knew was that he was a bad person and, because of his terrible deed, we subsisted in a refugee camp, encircled by a violent army and by an ever-expanding graveyard filled with “martyrs”.  

Decades later, destiny would lead me to visit the Whittingehame Church, a small parish in which Arthur James Balfour is now buried.  

While my parents and grandparents are buried in a refugee camp, an ever-shrinking space under a perpetual siege and immeasurable hardship, Balfour’s resting place is an oasis of peace and calmness. The empty meadow all around the church is large enough to host all the refugees in my camp.

Finally, I became fully aware of why Balfour was a “bad person”.   

Once Britain’s Prime Minister, then the Foreign Secretary from late 1916, Balfour had pledged my homeland to another people. That promise was made on November 2, 1917, on behalf of the British government in the form of a letter sent to the leader of the Jewish community in Britain, Walter Rothschild.  

At the time, Britain was not even in control of Palestine, which was still part of the Ottoman Empire. Either way, my homeland  was never Balfour’s to so casually transfer to anyone else. His letter read: 

“His Majesty’s government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.”  

He concluded, “I should be grateful if you would bring this declaration to the knowledge of the Zionist Federation.”  

Ironically, members of the British parliament have declared that the use of the term “Zionist” is both anti-Semitic and abusive.

The British government remains unrepentant after all these years. It has yet to take any measure of moral responsibility, however symbolic, for what it has done to the Palestinians. Worse, it is now busy attempting to control the very language used by Palestinians to identify those who have deprived them of their land and freedom.  

But the truth is, not only was Rothschild a Zionist, Balfour was, too. Zionism, then, before it deservedly became a swearword, was a political notion that Europeans prided themselves to be associated with.

In fact, just before he became Prime Minister, David Cameron declared, before the Conservative Friends of Israel meeting, that  he, too, was a Zionist. To some extent, being a Zionist remains a rite of passage for some Western leaders.  

Balfour was hardly acting on his own. True, the Declaration bears his name, yet, in reality, he was a loyal agent of an empire with massive geopolitical designs, not only concerning Palestine alone, but with Palestine as part of a larger Arab landscape.  

Just a year earlier, another sinister document was introduced, albeit secretly. It was endorsed by another top British diplomat, Mark Sykes and, on behalf of France, by François Georges-Picot. The Russians were informed of the agreement, as they too had received a piece of the Ottoman cake.  

The document indicated that, once the Ottomans were soundly defeated, their territories, including Palestine, would be split among the prospective victorious parties.  

The Sykes-Picot Agreement, also known as the Asia Minor Agreement, was signed in secret 100 years ago, two years into World War I. It signified the brutal nature of colonial powers that rarely associated land and resources with people that lived upon the land and owned those resources.  

The centrepiece of the agreement was a map that was marked with straight lines by a china graph pencil. The map largely determined the fate of the Arabs, dividing them in accordance with various haphazard assumptions of tribal and sectarian lines.  

Once the war was over, the loot was to be divided into spheres of influence:  

– France would receive areas marked (a), which included: the region of south-eastern Turkey, northern Iraq – including Mosel, most of Syria and Lebanon. 

– British-controlled areas were marked with the letter (b), which included: Jordan, southern Iraq, Haifa and Acre in Palestine and a coastal strip between the Mediterranean Sea and the River Jordan. 

– Russia would be granted Istanbul, Armenia and the strategic Turkish Straits.  

The improvised map consisted not only of lines but also colours, along with language that attested to the fact that the two countries viewed the Arab region purely on materialistic terms, without paying the slightest attention to the possible repercussions of slicing up entire civilizations with a multifarious history of co-operation and conflict.

The agreement read, partly:  

“… in the blue area France, and in the red area Great Britain, shall be allowed to establish such direct or indirect administration or control as they desire and as they may think fit to arrange with the Arab state or confederation of Arab states.”  

The brown area, however, was designated as an international administration, the nature of which was to be decided upon after further consultation among Britain, France and Russia.  The Sykes-Picot negotiations finished in March 1916 and were official, although secretly signed on May 19, 1916. World War I concluded on November 11, 1918, after which the division of the Ottoman Empire began in earnest.

British and French mandates were extended over divided Arab entities, while Palestine was granted to the Zionist movement a year later, when Balfour conveyed the British government’s promise, sealing the fate of Palestine to live in perpetual war and turmoil. 

INTERACTIVE: A century on – Why Arabs resent Sykes-Picot

The idea of Western “peacemakers” and “honest-brokers”, who are very much a party in every Middle Eastern conflict, is not new. British betrayal of Arab aspirations goes back many decades. They used the Arabs as pawns in their Great Game against other colonial contenders, only to betray them later on, while still casting themselves as friends bearing gifts.

Nowhere else was this hypocrisy on full display as was in the case of Palestine. Starting with the first wave of Zionist Jewish migration to Palestine in 1882, European countries helped to facilitate the movement of illegal settlers and resources, where the establishment of many colonies, large and small, was afoot.    

So when Balfour sent his letter to Rothschild, the idea of a Jewish homeland in Palestine was very much plausible.

Still, many supercilious promises were being made to the Arabs during the Great War years, as self-imposed Arab leadership sided with the British in their war against the Ottoman Empire. Arabs were promised instant independence, including that of the Palestinians.  

The understanding among Arab leaders was that Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations was to apply to Arab provinces that were ruled by the Ottomans. Arabs were told that they were to be respected as “a sacred trust of civilization”, and their communities were to be recognised as “independent nations”.  

Palestinians wanted to believe that they were also included in that civilization sacredness, and were deserving of independence, too. Their conduct in support of the Pan-Arab Congress, as voting delegates in July 1919, which elected Faisal as a King of a state comprising Palestine, Lebanon, Transjordan and Syria, and their continued support of Sharif Hussein of Mecca, were all expressions of their desire for the long-coveted sovereignty.

When the intentions of the British and their rapport with the Zionists became too apparent, Palestinians rebelled, a rebellion that has never ceased, 99 years later, for the horrific consequences of British colonialism and the eventual complete Zionist takeover of Palestine are still felt after all these years.  

Paltry attempts to pacify Palestinian anger were to no avail, especially after the League of Nations Council in July 1922 approved the terms of the British Mandate over Palestine – which was originally granted to Britain in April 1920 – without consulting the Palestinians at all, who would disappear from the British and international radar, only to reappear as negligible rioters, troublemakers, and obstacles to the joint British-Zionist colonial concoctions.  

Despite occasional assurances to the contrary, the British intention of ensuring the establishment of an exclusively Jewish state in Palestine was becoming clearer with time.

The Balfour Declaration was hardly an aberration, but had, indeed, set the stage for the full-scale ethnic cleansing that followed, three decades later. 

In his book, Before Their Diaspora, Palestinian scholar Walid Khalidi captured the true collective understanding among Palestinians regarding what had befallen their homeland nearly a century ago: 

“The Mandate, as a whole, was seen by the Palestinians as an Anglo-Zionist condominium and its terms as instrument for the implementation of the Zionist programme; it had been imposed on them by force, and they considered it to be both morally and legally invalid. The Palestinians constituted the vast majority of the population and owned the bulk of the land. Inevitably, the ensuing struggle centreed on this status quo. The British and the Zionists were determined to subvert and revolutionise it, the Palestinians to defend and preserve it.”  

In fact, that history remains in constant replay: The Zionists claimed Palestine and renamed it “Israel”; the British continue to support them, although never ceasing to pay lip service to the Arabs; the Palestinian people remain a nation that is geographically fragmented between refugee camps, in the diaspora, militarily occupied, or treated as second-class citizens in a country upon which their ancestors dwelt since time immemorial.  

While Balfour cannot be blamed for all the misfortunes that have befallen Palestinians since he communicated his brief but infamous letter, the notion that his “promise” embodied – that of complete disregard of the aspirations of the Palestinian Arab people – is handed from one generation of British diplomats to the next, the same way that Palestinian resistance to colonialism is also spread across generations.

In his essay in the Al-Ahram Weekly, entitled “Truth and Reconciliation“, the late Professor Edward Said wrote: “Neither the Balfour Declaration nor the Mandate ever specifically concede that Palestinians had political, as opposed to civil and religious, rights in Palestine.

The idea of inequality between Jews and Arabs was, therefore, built into British – and, subsequently, Israeli and US – policy from the start.”

That inequality continues, thus the perpetuation of the conflict. What the British, the early Zionists, the Americans and subsequent Israeli governments failed to understand, and continue to ignore at their own peril, is that there can be no peace without justice and equality in Palestine; and that Palestinians will continue to resist, as long as the reasons that inspired their rebellion nearly a century ago, remain in place.  

Ninety-nine years later, the British government is yet to possess the moral courage to take responsibility for what their government has done to the Palestinian people.  

Ninety-nine years later, Palestinians insist that their rights in Palestine cannot be dismissed, neither by Balfour, nor by his modern peers in “Her Majesty’s Government”.

More photos and videos at SOURCE

‘THE FROZEN CHOSEN’ ~~ A JEWISH STATE IN ALASKA

The novel The Yiddish Policemen’s Union should come with a large, bold warning label affixed to the outside cover, like those labels on cigarette packs. WARNING: READ WITH CAUTION IF YOU ACTUALLY LIVE UNDER A JEWISH ISRAELI MILITARY OCCUPATION.

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“THE FROZEN CHOSEN”

SAM BAHOUR
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A Jewish state in Alaska (still) results in the burning of the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem
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Pulitzer Prize-winning author Michael Chabon should have known better than to gift me his novel. Michael visited our home in Palestine this past summer and after spending the day giving him a tour of the Palestinian cities of Al-Bireh and Ramallah (central West Bank) and Nablus (northern West Bank) we settled down, along with Palestinian writer Fida Jiryis, for dinner at Darna Restaurant, located in the heart of historic Ramallah. By the time dinner was over, not only had we learned about this author’s amazing professional career and life journey, but he casually mentioned a note about this novel that he wrote back in 2007 that was based on a real historic fact in U.S. politics related to the issue of Palestine and Israel. I was puzzled and asked if he was joking. He wasn’t. I’m sure it showed that I was embarrassed to have never heard of this fact, given I’m rather well read on the topic. Before parting, he passed me a copy of the novel as a thank you gift.
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I must make a confession here. Reading fiction does not come easy for me. I guess, while living under a military occupation, there is too much non-fiction pounding at our lives to allow us to get happily lost in fiction. Reading The Yiddish Policemen’s Union may have changed that. No wonder this novel received a ton of awards; it takes fiction to new levels. Not only does Michael have a truly amazing command of the English language (proof being that my dictionary accompanied me in turning each of the 414 pages), but it turns out his Yiddish is not so bad too. Add to that a true historic premise to base his plot on, and linking the story to a few themes that are alive and well, albeit repulsive (think murder, racism, substance abuse, and more) in today’s real world, and what comes to life is something that you’ll be reflecting on long after the book takes its well-earned place on your bookshelf.
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When I was about half way through the novel, a New York Times article came across my desk that made me burst out laughing. The article was titled, How Do You Say ‘Email’ in Yiddish?, by Joseph Berger (Oct. 4, 2016). It was about a new 826-page Comprehensive English-Yiddish Dictionary published in June by Indiana University Press. How’s that for synchronicity? Given every other word in Chabon’s novel that I was looking up was not in my English dictionary—because it was Yiddish—I almost wrote the New York Times to tell them that they missed mentioning a major contributor to keeping Yiddish alive, the novel I was reading.
I must say Michael is a bold writer. If The Yiddish Policemen’s Union was written by a non-Jew, it could well have marked the end of the author’s career, if not worse. But coming from a Jewish-American, a member of the tribe, if you will, he can take readers where others would not dream of going. He does this with an all-so-delicate balancing act that would afford him a lifetime membership with the Palestinian Circus School.
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The historic U.S. political fact that took me off balance was, as I have come to learn, the very real 1940 Slattery Report, officially titled The Problem of Alaskan Development, which was produced by the United States Department of the Interior under Secretary Harold L. Ickes in 1939–40. It was named after Undersecretary of the Interior, Harry A. Slattery. The report recommended the provision of land in Alaska for the temporary refugee settlement of European Jews who were being persecuted by the Nazis during World War II.
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Ickes proposed the use of Alaska as a “haven for Jewish refugees from Germany and other areas in Europe where the Jews are subjected to oppressive restrictions.” The plan was introduced as a bill by Senator William King (Utah) and Democratic Representative Franck Havenner (California), both Democrats. The Alaska bill won the support of theologian Paul Tillich, widely regarded as one of the most influential theologians of the twentieth century, the Federal Council of Churches, and the American Friends Service Committee (Quakers). The plan was dealt a severe blow when Franklin Roosevelt told Ickes that he insisted on limiting the number of refugees to 10,000 a year for five years, and with a further restriction that Jews make up not more than 10% of the refugees. Roosevelt never mentioned the Alaska proposal in public, and without his support the plan died. (Reference Jewish Standard)
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This is where Michael leaves reality behind.
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A Wikipedia entry summaries the setting concisely, “The Yiddish Policemen’s Union is set in an alternative history version of the present day. The premise is that, contrary to real history, the United States voted to implement the 1940 Slattery Report […]. The novel’s divergence point from real history is revealed in the first dozen chapters to be the death of Anthony Dimond, Alaska Territory delegate to the U.S. Congress, in a car accident; Dimond was one of the congressmen responsible for preventing a vote on the report. It imagines a temporary independent Jewish settlement being created on the Alaskan coast.”
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The New York Times published a book review of the novel titled, The Frozen Chosen, by Patricia Cohen (April 29, 2007). You will understand why the New York Times and I both use this same title (although my use of capitalization is more accurate) after you read the book and if you have any knowledge of the real Israel. Cohen writes that Chabon attempts to answer the questions, “What if Jews had poured into a frigid island instead of the Middle Eastern desert, and the state of Israel had never been created? What if the small settlement of Sitka had grown into a teeming Jewish homeland, a land not of milk and honey but of salmon and lumber?”
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The Jews in the novel who settled in the Alaskan city, Sitka, are anxious throughout the novel because the “Reversion” is nearing. The “Reversion” is the date when the orderly return of Sitka back to the State of Alaska is supposed to take place.
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The Wikipedia entry continues, “In the novel, the State of Israel is founded in 1948, but is destroyed after only three months in an alternative version of the Arab-Israeli War. Without Israel, Palestine is described as a mosaic of contending religious and secular nationalist groups locked in internecine conflict; Jerusalem is described as “a city of blood and slogans painted on the wall, severed heads on telephone poles.” The United States president believes in “divine sanction” for neo-Zionism, a movement seeking for Jews to reclaim Israel once again.”
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All this while the main character, Yiddish policeman Meyer Landsman, seeks to resolve several murder investigations, and he and his partner stumble upon a paramilitary group that wants to build a new Temple in Jerusalem after destroying the Dome of the Rock, hoping to speed the birth of the Messiah. An evangelical Christian Zionist American government supports the group. As the novel nears the end, news reports are heard of the Dome of the Rock being bombed.
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Chabon writes these words which made me stop to rethink if I was reading fiction or the daily news, “…they [U.S. Government] think the idea of a bunch of crazy yids running around Arab Palestine, blowing up shrines and following Messiahs and starting World War Three is a really good idea.” Elsewhere, Meyer Landsman contemplates the meaning of a “promised land” by saying, “I don’t care what is written. I don’t care what supposedly got promised to some sandal-wearing idiot whose claim to fame is that he was ready to cut his own son’s throat for the sake of a hare-brained idea.”
Now, why should this novel come with a warning label? Because between the seriousness of the political premise, the gut-wrenching humor, the community involved, the concept of a collective return of land as even being imaginable, the real, day to day stories—love, death, addiction, work, relationships, etc.—interspersed, and the burning of the Dome of Rock, which already happened once in reality and is being threatened again these days, it’s just too much for a person living under an actual Jewish (or so believed)-inspired military occupation to handle.
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After coming away from the book feeling that my mind had just come out of a washing machine, I recalled this poster that I found a while back:
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Thanks, Michael! I truly enjoyed this read. We are all looking forward to your and Ayelet Waldman’s upcoming book, Kingdom of Olives and Ash, from Harper Collins Publishing, addressing 50 years of the very real Israeli military occupation of Palestinians. The dozen or so award-winning, world-class authors contributing to this upcoming book will offer a sincere cry from the mountain top for this human-made tragedy called the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to come to an end. Unlike in your novel, we Palestinians do not seek Reversion; we seek peace based on justice and equality for all, in a land not divided by walls, fences and checkpoints, but whose people are joined in harmony.
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Written FOR

HOW DID TRUMP OVERLOOK THIS ONE?

Gur’s U.S. operations started in about 2005. Beginning in 2011, Gur and his associates began hiring Israeli nationals on tourist visas in violation of U.S. immigration law. He employed about 340 during those six years, including more than 250 who were in the country on tourist visas, and brought in $14 million, according to the Pilot Ledger.

mall-workers

Man convicted for illegally employing Israelis in US

Israeli man operated shops across US malls selling Dead Sea products using illegal Israeli workers.

An Israeli man who owns kiosks in shopping malls in seven states was sentenced to 6 1/2 years in jail for illegally employing Israeli nationals to sell Dead Sea beauty products.

Omer Gur was sentenced Thursday morning in U.S. District Court in Norfolk, Virginia, the Virginia Pilot-Ledger reported.

Gur, 36, pleaded guilty on July 6 to conspiracy to defraud the United States and conspiracy to launder money.

The kiosks located in Virginia, North Carolina, Maryland, Georgia, Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Missouri operated under names including Premier Skincare, Orogold and Seacret Spa.

Gur’s businesses also were part of a larger venture called Rasko, which reportedly recruited Israelis to work in the U.S. kiosks, helping the Israeli nationals obtain travel visas, or B-2 visitor visas, in order to enter the country.

Gur’s U.S. operations started in about 2005. Beginning in 2011, Gur and his associates began hiring Israeli nationals on tourist visas in violation of U.S. immigration law. He employed about 340 during those six years, including more than 250 who were in the country on tourist visas, and brought in $14 million, according to the Pilot Ledger.

The young Israeli salespeople are known to be aggressive in their sales pitch. They generally use their commissions and earnings to fund post-army treks or university studies.

Gur, a former member of the Israeli Navy’s Shayetet 13 commando unit, also was ordered to pay a $25,000 fine and forfeit several properties he owned in North Carolina, a 2011 Audi Q5 SUV and $300,000 in cash, according to the newspaper. He will be deported when released from prison.

Gur most recently resided in North Carolina, in a house valued at $1.3 million. Prosecutors claim he entered into a sham marriage with a U.S. citizen in 2005 to become a legal permanent resident of the country.

Source

#InPalestine ~~ DEATH IN NUMBERS (AND NAMES)

These are the results of the Israeli/Palestinian ‘Peace’ Process …. a record year of deaths on both sides

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Death In Numbers: A year of violence in the occupied Palestinian territory and Israel

By: Chloe Benoist

In October 2015 began what has been in turn called a wave of unrest, a Palestinian upheaval, or even the “Jerusalem Intifada.” Whatever the name, the past year has seen an intensification of deadly violence in the occupied Palestinian territory and Israel.

Over the course of the year, Ma’an has collected data regarding every person who has died as part of this latest chapter in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

In total, Ma’an has recorded the death of 274 individuals from Oct. 1, 2015, to Sept. 30, 2016. Of these dead, 235 were Palestinians (85.8 percent of deaths), 34 were Israeli (12.4 percent), and five (1.8 percent) were foreign nationals — two Americans, one Eritrean, one Sudanese, and one Jordanian.

The first six months — from October 2015 to March 2016 — saw the vast majority of deaths, followingclashes at the Al-Aqsa Mosque in occupied East Jerusalem ahead of the Jewish holiday of Rosh Hashanah. With 234 people dying in these first six months, the rate of casualties has since drastically slowed down, although a spate of killings in September have led to fears that violence could once again surge.

Looking at Palestinian casualties

After a year, a clearer picture has emerged of the Palestinians who have died in that time span. Of these 235 Palestinians, 231 were killed by Israelis, two by other Palestinians during attacks against Israelis, and two others killed themselves while carrying out or attempting to carry out attacks.

Drawing from statistics, a general portrait emerges of the average Palestinian to have died during this time: a young man in his late teens or early twenties from the West Bank district of Hebron, killed by Israeli security forces.

According to Ma’an’s records, the average age of slain Palestinians was 23. However, the most frequent age of death was 19 years old, with 22 Palestinian youth of that age losing their lives in the past year.

Minors comprised a quarter of the victims of Israeli violence, with 60 slain Palestinians under the age of 18, the youngest being an eight-month old baby killed by excessive tear gas inhalation during clashes. In total, 11 Palestinian children under the age of 14 were killed, and another 49 between the ages of 15 and 17.

Another 118 Palestinians between the ages of 18 and 24 were killed, making a total of 178 Palestinian casualties in the past year to have been born around or after the signature of the 1993 Oslo Accords.

Three quarters of those who have been killed since October 2015 have never known anything other than Oslo — seemingly corroborating links made between the rise in violence and the frustrations regarding the agreement’s failure to establish a Palestinian state, amid a worsening situation in the occupied Palestinian territory marked by home demolitions, violent night raids, and staggering settlement expansion.

While a number of Palestinian women and girls were killed — 17 of whom while allegedly or actually carrying out attacks — during this time period, their numbers paled in comparison to Palestinian men and boys. Of the 235 Palestinians killed, 213 were male and 22 were female — just under one in 10 of the casualties.

Geographically speaking, the majority of Palestinian deaths — 161 to be exact — took place in the West Bank, while 36 occurred in the city of Jerusalem, 29 in the besieged Gaza Strip, and nine in Israel.

Meanwhile, 182 were originally from the West Bank, 20 were residents of occupied East Jerusalem, 29 were from Gaza, and three were Palestinian citizens of Israel. Residents of the Hebron district, amounting to 73 of the dead, constituted 31 percent of the slain Palestinians, confirming the southern West Bank district’s status as the epicenter of the wave of unrest.

Trying to quantify the circumstances in which Palestinians have died, meanwhile, has proved to be a tricky question. While a majority of cases were straightforward, with video footage or eyewitnesses able to corroborate the facts, in many instances, the official Israeli version of events when Palestinians were killed at the hands of Israeli security forces or settlers was strongly contested. In a number of cases, eyewitnesses maintained that the slain Palestinians did not constitute a threat at the time of their death, or that Israeli forces planted knives or otherwise manipulated the scene of the crime.

Due to the difficulty of ascertaining the exact circumstances of each case, Ma’an has classified attacks as “alleged” in instances when the official Israeli version of events recorded no injuries to Israelis and there were either no outside witnesses, or those witnesses contested the Israeli version of events.

Meanwhile, situations in which there were no records of outside witnesses, but where there were reports of Israeli injuries, were classified as actual attacks. This imperfect system of classification is a reflection of the murkiness which continues to permeate the Israeli-Palestinian conflict on a daily basis.

Given these caveats, Ma’an’s records show the following:- 69 Palestinians killed while committing or attempting to commit stabbing attacks- 48 Palestinians killed while allegedly attempting to commit stabbing attack- 62 Palestinians killed by Israeli forces during clashes, police and/or army raids- 13 Palestinians killed while committing vehicular attacks- 8 Palestinians killed while allegedly committing vehicular attacks- 8 Palestinians killed while committing shooting attacks- 4 Palestinians killed while allegedly committing or attempting to commit shooting attacks- 5 Palestinians killed while committing simultaneous shooting and stabbing attacks- 3 Palestinians killed while committing simultaneous shooting and vehicular attacks- 1 Palestinian killed while committing simultaneous stabbing and vehicular attack- 2 Palestinians killed while committing attacks with incendiary or explosive devices- 2 Palestinians killed while allegedly committing attacks with incendiary or explosive devices- 5 Palestinians killed by airstrikes and shelling- 5 Palestinians killed while bystanders of violence.

Looking at Israeli casualties

Meanwhile, the demographic profile of Israeli victims of violence painted a different picture.

While for Israeli casualties the average age was 37, with the youngest victim being 13-year-old Hallel Ariel, the only Israeli minor killed in the wave of unrest. The most frequent ages were 19 and 21 — an unsurprising fact given that a very large proportion of Palestinian attacks targeted soldiers, who typically begin their military service at 18 years old.

However, soldiers and police officers accounted for only seven of the dead, which could be explained by the high levels of armor and protective gear worn while on duty, which most likely prevented deadly injuries from occurring in a number of attacks.

Meanwhile, 18 of the slain Israelis resided in illegal settlements in East Jerusalem and the West Bank. Settlers being less armed or armored than soldiers made them more vulnerable targets for attacks, while the restrictions on Palestinian movement outside of the occupied Palestinian territory have made Israelis living in these areas more accessible targets for Palestinians seeking to commit attacks against Israelis.

Some 24 Israelis were killed in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, while ten others were killed in Israel. Within Israel, the coastal city of Tel Aviv was by far the most targeted, with three separate attacks killing eight Israelis — as well as one Palestinian citizen of Israel.

Gender-wise, eight of the slain Israelis were female, making 23.5 percent of casualties, with only one of them being a member of security forces.

Regarding the circumstances of death, according to Ma’an records:

16 Israelis were killed in stabbing attacks- 12 Israelis were killed in shooting attacks-

2 Israelis were killed in confirmed or alleged vehicular attacks-

2 Israeli were killed in a simultaneous shooting and stabbing attack-

and 2 Israelis were killed by friendly fire.

While 32 Israelis were killed by Palestinians, two others were killed by Israeli forces who were trying to shoot at alleged Palestinian attackers.

While the pace of violence has significant slowed down since October 2015, the past month has seen a distinct uptick in casualties. The latest casualty, 28-year-old Naseem Abu Meizar, was killed by Israeli forces on Sept. 30, while seven Palestinians and one Jordanian were killed by Israelis in the span of five days.

Almost one year after United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon issued a warning tying the violence in the occupied Palestinian territory and Israel to the social and political impact of the Israeli occupation on Palestinians, a resurgence of deadly violence remains a real possibility.

“We cannot ignore the sense of desperation that comes with the slow evaporation of hope,” Ban said at the time. “We must stop the endless, needless, and mindless cycle of suffering, and begin the hard work necessary to restore the belief that genuine progress towards peace is possible. A failure to do so will only embolden the advocates of violence and division.”

Please find above Ma’an’s charts compiling Palestinians killed by Israelis, Israelis killed by Palestinians, and other casualties of violence from Oct. 1, 2015, to Sept. 30, 2016. A PDF version of the charts can be found here.

Palestinians killed by Israelis

# Date of attack Name Age Gender Place of death/injury leading to death Cause of death Circumstances Place of residence
1 October 3, 2015 Mohannad Shafiq Halabi 19 M East Jerusalem Shot by police Stabbing attack Surda, Ramallah district
2 October 3, 2015 Fadi Samir Mustafa Alloun 19 M West Jerusalem Shot by police Stabbing attack Issawiya, East Jerusalem
3 October 4, 2015 Huthayfa Othman Suleiman 18 M Tulkarem, Tulkarem district Shot by army, later succumbed to injuries Clashes Balaa, Tulkarem district
4 October 4, 2015 Abd al-Rahman Ubeidallah 13 M Aida refugee camp, Bethlehem district Shot by army Clashes Aida refugee camp, Bethlehem district
5 October 7, 2015 Amjad Hatem al-Jundi 20 M Kiryat Gat, Israel Shot by police Stabbing attack Yatta, Hebron district
6 October 8, 2015 Wissam Faraj 20 M Shufat refugee camp, Jerusalem district Shot by border police Clashes Shufat refugee camp, Jerusalem district
7 October 8, 2015 Thaer Abu Ghazaleh 19 M Tel Aviv, Israel Shot by army Stabbing attack Old City, East Jerusalem
8 October 8, 2015 Ibrahim Ahmad Mustafa Aoud 27 M Beit Ummar, Hebron district Shot by army, later succumbed to injuries Clashes Beit Ummar, Hebron district
9 October 9, 2015 Muhammad Fares Abdullah al-Jaabari 19 M Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
10 October 9, 2015 Shadi Hussam Dawla 20 M Al-Shujayya, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Al-Shujayya, Gaza
11 October 9, 2015 Ahmad al-Harbawi 20 M Al-Shujayya, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Al-Nuseirat refugee camp, Gaza
12 October 9, 2015 Abed al-Wahidi 20 M Al-Shujayya, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Al-Shujayya, Gaza
13 October 9, 2015 Muhammad al-Raqeb 15 M Khan Yunis, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Bani Suheila, Gaza
14 October 9, 2015 Ziad Nabil Sharaf 20 M Khan Yunis, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Khan Yunis, Gaza
15 October 9, 2015 Adnan Moussa Abu Elayyan 22 M Khan Yunis, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Bani Suheila, Gaza
16 October 9, 2015 Jihad Salim al-Ubeid 22 M Abasan al-Kabirah, Gaza Shot by army, later succumbed to injuries Clashes Wadi al-Salqa, Gaza
17 October 10, 2015 Ishaq Badran 16 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by army Stabbing attack Kafr Aqab, East Jerusalem
18 October 10, 2015 Muhammad Saed Ali 19 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by army Stabbing attack Shufat refugee camp, Jerusalem district
19 October 10, 2015 Marwan Barbakh 13 M Abasan al-Kabirah, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Khan Yunis, Gaza
20 October 10, 2015 Khalil Othman 15 M Abasan al-Kabirah, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Khan Yunis, Gaza
21 October 10, 2015 Ahmad Salah 24 M Shufat refugee camp, Jerusalem district Shot by army Clashes Shufat refugee camp, Jerusalem district
22 October 11, 2015 Ahmad Sharaka 13 M Al-Bireh, Ramallah district Shot by army Clashes al-Jalazun refugee camp, Ramallah district
23 October 11, 2015 Nour Rasmi Hassan 25 F Gaza City, Gaza Home collapsed Airstrike Gaza City, Gaza
24 October 11, 2015 Rahaf Yahya Hassan 2 F Gaza City, Gaza Home collapsed Airstrike Gaza City, Gaza
25 October 11, 2015 Khalil Hassan Abu Ubeid 25 M Al-Bureij refugee camp, Gaza Hit by army tear gas grenade, later succumbed to injuries Clashes Khan Yunis, Gaza
26 October 12, 2015 Mustafa Adel al-Khatib 18 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Jabal al-Mukabbir, East Jerusalem
27 October 12, 2015 Hassan Khalid al-Manasra 15 M Pisgat Zeev settlement, East Jerusalem Shot by police Stabbing attack Beit Hanina, East Jerusalem
28 October 12, 2015 Mohammed Nazmi Elayyan Shamasma 23 M West Jerusalem Shot by police Attempted stabbing attack Qatanna, Jerusalem district
29 October 13, 2015 Bahaa Elayyan 22 M West Jerusalem Shot by police Stabbing, shooting attack Jabal al-Mukabbir, East Jerusalem
30 October 13, 2015 Alaa Daoud Ali Abu Jamal 33 M West Jerusalem Shot by civilian Stabbing, shooting attack Jabal al-Mukabbir, East Jerusalem
31 October 13, 2015 Mutaz Ibrahim Zawahreh 27 M Bethlehem, Bethlehem district Shot by army Clashes Al-Duheisha refugee camp, Bethlehem district
32 October 14, 2015 Basil Bassam Ragheb Sidr 20 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by border police Alleged attempted stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
33 October 14, 2015 Ahmad Shaaban 23 M West Jerusalem Shot by police Stabbing attack Ras al-Amoud, East Jerusalem
34 October 16, 2015 Yahya Karira 20 M Gaza City, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Gaza City, Gaza
35 October 16, 2015 Eyad Khalil Awawdeh 26 M Halhul, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Al-Muwarraq, Hebron district
36 October 16, 2015 Ihab Jihad Hanani 19 M Beit Furik, Nablus district Shot by army Clashes Beit Furik, Nablus district
37 October 16, 2015 Yahiya Abd al-Qader Farhat 24 M Erez checkpoint, Gaza Shot by army, later succumbed to injuries Clashes Al-Shati, Gaza
38 October 16, 2015 Mahmoud Hatim Hmeid 22 M Gaza City, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Gaza City, Gaza
39 October 16, 2015 Shawiq Jamal Jabr Ubeid 37 M Gaza Shot by army Clashes Jabaliya, Gaza
40 October 17, 2015 Fadil Muhammad Awad al-Qawasmi 18 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by settler Alleged attempted stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
41 October 17, 2015 Tareq al-Natsheh 16 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by border police Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
42 October 17, 2015 Omar al-Faqih 23 M Qalandiya checkpoint, Ramallah district Shot by border police Stabbing attack Qatanna, Jerusalem district
43 October 17, 2015 Muataz Ahmad Hajis Uweisat 16 M Armon Hanatziv settlement, East Jerusalem Shot by border police Alleged attempted stabbing attack Jabal al-Mukabbir, East Jerusalem
44 October 17, 2015 Bayan Ayman Abd al-Hadi al-Esseili 17 F Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
45 October 18, 2015 Muhannad al-Aqabi 21 M Beersheba, Israel Shot by army Shooting attack Hura, Israel
46 October 20, 2015 Uday Hashim al-Masalma 24 M Beit Awwa, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Beit Awwa, Hebron district
47 October 20, 2015 Bashar Nidal al-Jabari 15 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
48 October 20, 2015 Hussam Ismail al-Jabari 17 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
49 October 20, 2015 Hamzeh Moussa al-Imla 25 M Gush Etzion settlement, Bethlehem district Shot by army Vehicular attack Beit Ula, Hebron district
50 October 20, 2015 Ahmad al-Sarhi 27 M near al-Bureij, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Deir al-Balah, Gaza
51 October 21, 2015 Mutaz Atallah Qassem 22 M near Adam settlement, Jerusalem district Shot by army Stabbing attack Al-Eizariya, Jerusalem district
52 October 21, 2015 Hashem al-Azzeh 54 M Hebron, Hebron district Excessive tear gas Clashes Hebron, Hebron district
53 October 22, 2015 Mahmoud Khalid Ghneimat 20 M Beit Shemesh, Israel Shot by police Stabbing attack Surif, Hebron district
54 October 24, 2015 Ahmad Muhammad Said Kamil 16 M Al-Jalama checkpoint, Jenin district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Qabatiya, Jenin district
55 October 25, 2015 Dania Irsheid 17 F Hebron, Hebron district Shot by border police Alleged attempted stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
56 October 26, 2015 Raed Saket Abdul-Rahim Jaradat 22 M Beit Einun junction, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Sair, Hebron district
57 October 26, 2015 Saad Muhammad Youssef al-Atrash 19 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Attempted stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
58 October 26, 2015 Iyad Rawhi Jaradat 17 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Clashes Sair, Hebron district
59 October 27, 2015 Shabaan Abu Shkeidem 17 M Gush Etzion settlement, Bethlehem district Shot by army Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
60 October 27, 2015 Shadi Nabil Abd al-Muti al-Qudsi 22 M Gush Etzion settlement, Bethlehem district Shot by army Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
61 October 27, 2015 Hammam Said 23 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
62 October 28, 2015 Islam Rafiq Hammad Ibeido 23 M Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
63 October 29, 2015 Mahdi Mohammad Ramadan al-Muhtasib 23 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
64 October 29, 2015 Farouq Abd al-Qader Omar Sidr 19 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
65 October 30, 2015 Qassem Mahmoud Sabaneh 19 M Zaatara checkpoint, Nablus district Shot by border police Alleged attempted stabbing attack Qabatiya, Jenin district
66 October 30, 2015 Ramadan Mohammad Faisal Thawabta 8 months M Beit Fajjar, Bethlehem district Excessive tear gas Clashes Beit Fajjar, Bethlehem district
67 October 30, 2015 Ahmad Hamada Qneibi 24 M Sheikh Jarrah, East Jerusalem Shot by police Stabbing attack Kafr Aqab, East Jerusalem
68 October 31, 2015 Mahmoud Talal Mahmoud Nazzal 18 M Al-Jalama checkpoint, Jenin district Shot by security guard Alleged attempted stabbing attack Qabatiya, Jenin district
69 November 1, 2015 Fadi Hasan al-Faroukh 27 M Beit Einun, Hebron district Shot by border police Alleged attempted stabbing attack Sair, Hebron district
70 November 2, 2015 Ahmed Awad Abu al-Rub 16 M Al-Jalameh, Jenin district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Qabatiya, Jenin district
71 November 4, 2015 Ibrahim Skafi 22 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Vehicular attack Tulkarem, Tulkarem district
72 November 5, 2015 Malik Talal al-Sharif 25 M Gush Etzion, Bethlehem district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
73 November 6, 2015 Tharwat al-Sharawi 72 F Halhul, Hebron district Shot by army Alleged vehicular attack Hebron, Hebron district
74 November 6, 2015 Salameh Musa Abu Jame 23 M Khan Yunis, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Bani Suheila, Gaza
75 November 8, 2015 Sulaiman Aqel Muhammad Shahin 22 M Zaatara checkpoint, Nablus district Shot by army Vehicular attack Al-Bireh, Ramallah district
76 November 9, 2015 Rasha Muhammad Oweisi 24 F Eliyahu checkpoint near Alfei Menashe settlement, Qalqiliya district Shot by army Stabbing attack Qalqiliya, Qalqiliya district
77 November 10, 2015 Sadeq Ziad Gharbiyeh 16 M Al-Sawahrah al-Sharqiyah, Jerusalem district Shot by border police Alleged attempted stabbing attack Sanur, Jenin district
78 November 10, 2015 Muhammad Nimr 37 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by security guard Attempted stabbing attack Al-Issawiya, East Jerusalem
79 November 11, 2015 Ibrahim Abd al-Halim Yousif Dawood 16 M Al-Bireh, Ramallah district Shot by army, later succumbed to injuries Clashes Deir Ghassan, Ramallah district
80 November 11, 2015 Mahmoud Said Elayyan 20 M Ramallah, Ramallah district Shot by army, later succumbed to injuries Clashes Anata, Jerusalem district
81 November 12, 2015 Abdullah Azzam Shalaldah 28 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by undercover soldiers Army raid Sair, Hebron district
82 November 12, 2015 Issa al-Shalaldah 22 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army, later succumbed to injuries Clashes Sair, Hebron district
83 November 13, 2015 Hassan Jihad al-Baw 23 M Halhul, Hebron district Shot by army Clashes Halhul, Hebron district
84 November 13, 2015 Lafi Yousif Mustafa Awad 22 M Budrus, Ramallah district Shot by army Clashes Budrus, Ramallah district
85 November 16, 2015 Laith Assad Manasra 21 M Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district Shot by army Clashes Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district
86 November 16, 2015 Ahmad Abu al-Aish 28 M Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district Shot by army Clashes Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district
87 November 17, 2015 Muhammad Munir Hassan Saleh 24 M Turmusayya, Ramallah district Shot by army Shooting attack Arura, Ramallah district
88 November 22, 2015 Issa Thawabta 34 M Gush Etzion settlement, Bethlehem district Shot by army Stabbing attack Beit Fajjar, Bethlehem district
89 November 22, 2015 Ashraqat Taha Ahmad Qatanani 16 F Huwwara, Nablus district Run over, shot by settler Alleged attempted stabbing attack Nablus, Nablus district
90 November 22, 2015 Shadi Khasib 32 M West Jerusalem Shot by settler Alleged attempted stabbing attack Al-Bireh, Ramallah district
91 November 23, 2015 Hadeel Wajih Awwad 14 F West Jerusalem Shot by security guard Stabbing attack Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district
92 November 23, 2015 Ahmad Jamal Taha 16 M Route 443, Ramallah district Shot by army Stabbing attack Qutna, Ramallah district
93 November 23, 2015 Alaa Khalil Sabah Hashash 16 M Huwwara, Nablus district Shot by army Attempted stabbing attack Nablus, Nablus district
94 November 23, 2015 Samah Abd al-Mumen Ahmad 18 F Huwwara, Nablus district Shot by army, later succumbed to injuries Bystander in attempted stabbing attack Amuriyya, Nablus district
95 November 25, 2015 Muhammad Ismail Shubaki 19 M near al-Fawwar refugee camp, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Al-Arrub refugee camp, Hebron district
96 November 26, 2015 Yahya Yusri Taha 21 M Qatanna, Jerusalem district Shot by army Clashes Qatanna, Jerusalem district
97 November 26, 2015 Samer Hassan Mbadda Sarisi 51 M Zaatara checkpoint, Nablus district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Jenin, Jenin district
98 November 26, 2015 Khalid Mahmoud al-Jawabreh 19 M Al-Arrub refugee camp, Hebron district Shot by army Clashes Al-Arrub refugee camp, Hebron district
99 November 27, 2015 Fadi Muhammad Mahmoud Khasib 25 M near Kfar Adumim settlement, Jerusalem district Shot by settler Vehicular attack Al-Bireh, Ramallah district
100 November 27, 2015 Omar Arafat Issa al-Zaaqiq 19 M Beit Ummar, Hebron district Shot by army Vehicular attack Beit Ummar, Hebron district
101 November 29, 2015 Baseem Abd al-Rahman Mustafa Salah 38 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by police Stabbing attack Nablus, Nablus district
102 November 29, 2015 Ayman Samih al-Abbasi 17 M Silwan, East Jerusalem Shot by police Clashes Silwan, East Jerusalem
103 December 1, 2015 Mamoun al-Khatib 16 M Gush Etzion settlement, Bethlehem district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Doha, Bethlehem district
104 December 1, 2015 Maram Ramiz Hassouna 19 F Enav checkpoint, Tulkarem district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Rafidia, Nablus district
105 December 3, 2015 Mazin Hasan Ureiba 35 M Hizma checkpoint, Jerusalem district Shot by army Shooting attack Abu Dis, Jerusalem district
106 December 3, 2015 Izz al-Din Abdallah Muhammad Raddad 21 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by police Stabbing attack Saida, Tulkarem district
107 December 4, 2015 Taher Faysal Fannoun 19 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
108 December 4, 2015 Mustafa Fadhil Fannoun 15 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
109 December 4, 2015 Anas Bassam Hammad 21 M near Ofar settlement, Ramallah district Shot by army Vehicular attack Silwad, Ramallah district
110 December 4, 2015 Abd al-Rahman Barghouthi 26 M Abud, Ramallah district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Abud, Ramallah district
111 December 6, 2015 Omar Skafi 21 M West Jerusalem Shot by police Vehicular and stabbing attack Beit Hanina, East Jerusalem
112 December 7, 2015 Ihab Fathi Miswadi 21 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by border police Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
113 December 8, 2015 Malik Akram Shahin 19 M Al-Duheisha refugee camp, Bethlehem district Shot by army Army raid Al-Duheisha refugee camp, Bethlehem district
114 December 9, 2015 Abd al-Rahman Miswadeh 21 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by security guard Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
115 December 11, 2015 Omar al-Hroub 55 M Halhul, Hebron district Shot by army Alleged attempted vehicular attack Deir Samit, Hebron district
116 December 11, 2015 Uday Irsheid 24 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Clashes Hebron, Hebron district
117 December 11, 2015 Sami Shawqi Madhi 41 M Al-Bureij refugee camp, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Al-Bureij refugee camp, Gaza
118 December 14, 2015 Abd al-Muhsen Hassuneh 21 M West Jerusalem Shot by police Vehicular attack Beit Hanina, East Jerusalem
119 December 16, 2015 Ahmad Jahajha 20 M Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district Shot by army Alleged vehicular attack Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district
120 December 16, 2015 Hikmat Hamdan 29 M Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district Shot by army Alleged vehicular attack Al-Bireh, Ramallah district
121 December 17, 2015 Abdullah Hussein Nasasra 15 M Huwwara checkpoint, Nablus district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Beit Furik, Nablus district
122 December 18, 2015 Muhammad Abd al-Rahman Ayyad 21 M Silwad, Ramallah district Shot by army Vehicular attack Silwad, Ramallah district
123 December 18, 2015 Nashaat Asfour 34 M Sinjil, Ramallah district Shot by army Clashes Sinjil, Ramallah district
124 December 18, 2015 Mahmoud Muhammad Saed al-Agha 20 M Khan Yunis, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Khan Yunis, Gaza
125 December 23, 2015 Issa Assaf 21 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by police Stabbing attack Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district
126 December 23, 2015 Anan Abu Habsa 20 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by police Stabbing attack Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district
127 December 24, 2015 Wisam Abu Ghwaila 22 M near Geva Binyamin settlement, Ramallah district Shot by army Vehicular attack Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district
128 December 24, 2015 Iyad Jamal Issa Ideis 25 M Ari checkpoint, Hebron district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Yatta, Hebron district
129 December 24, 2015 Muhammad Zahran Abdul-Halim Zahran 22 M Ariel settlement, Salfit district Shot by security guard Stabbing attack Kafr al-Dik, Salfit district
130 December 24, 2015 Bilal Zayid 23 M Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district Shot by army Clashes Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district
131 December 25, 2015 Hani Rafiq Wahdan 22 M Shujayya, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Shujayya, Gaza
132 December 25, 2015 Mahdia Mohammad Ibrahim Hammad 39 F Silwad, Ramallah district Shot by police Alleged vehicular attack Silwad, Ramallah district
133 December 25, 2015 Yousif Abu Sbeikha al-Buheiri 48 M Al-Maghazi refugee camp, Gaza Shot by army, later succumbed to injuries Clashes Al-Maghazi refugee camp, Gaza
134 December 26, 2015 Maher al-Jabi 56 M Huwwara checkpoint, Nablus district Shot by army Vehicular attack Nablus, Nablus district
135 December 26, 2015 Musab Mahmoud al-Ghazali 26 M West Jerusalem Shot by police Alleged attempted stabbing attack Silwan, East Jerusalem
136 December 27, 2015 Muhammad Rafiq Hussein Sabana 17 M Huwwara, Nablus district Shot by army Stabbing attack Qabatiya, Jenin district
137 December 27, 2015 Nour al-Deen Muhammad Abdul-Qadir Sabana 23 M Huwwara, Nablus district Shot by army Stabbing attack Qabatiya, Jenin district
138 December 31, 2015 Hassan Ali Hassan Bozor 22 M Huwwara checkpoint, Nablus district Shot by army Vehicular attack Raba, Jenin district
139 January 5, 2016 Ahmad Younis Kawazba 17 M Gush Etzion settlement junction, Bethlehem district Shot by army Stabbing attack Sair, Hebron district
140 January 7, 2016 Ahmad Salim Abd al-Majid Kawazba 21 M Gush Etzion settlement junction, Bethlehem district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Sair, Hebron district
141 January 7, 2016 Alaa Abed Muhammad Kawazba 17 M Gush Etzion settlement junction, Bethlehem district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Sair, Hebron district
142 January 7, 2016 Muhannad Ziyad Kawazba 20 M Gush Etzion settlement junction, Bethlehem district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Sair, Hebron district
143 January 7, 2016 Khalil Muhammad al-Shalaldah 16 M Beit Einun junction, Hebron district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Sair, Hebron district
144 January 8, 2016 Nashat Melhem 29 M Arara, Israel Shot by police Standoff following deadly shooting in Tel Aviv Arara, Israel
145 January 9, 2016 Ali Abu Maryam 26 M Al-Hamra checkpoint, Tubas district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Al-Judeida, Jenin district
146 January 9, 2016 Said Abu al-Wafa 38 M Al-Hamra checkpoint, Tubas district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Al-Zawiya, Jenin district
147 January 12, 2016 Srour Ahmad Abu Srour 21 M Beit Jala, Bethlehem district Shot by army Clashes Aida refugee camp, Bethlehem district
148 January 12, 2016 Muhammad Ahmad Khalil Kawazba 23 M Beit Einun junction, Hebron district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Sair, Hebron district
149 January 12, 2016 Adnan Hamid al-Mashni 17 M Beit Einun junction, Hebron district Shot by army Accomplice in alleged attempted stabbing attack Al-Shuyukh, Hebron district
150 January 13, 2016 Mousa Zaiter 23 M Beit Lahiya, Gaza Shot by army Alleged attempted explosive attack Jabaliya, Gaza
151 January 14, 2016 Muayyad Awni Jabbarin 20 M Beit Einun junction, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Sair, Hebron district
152 January 14, 2016 Haitham Mahmoud Abd al-Jalil 31 M Checkpoint near Asira al-Shamaliya, Nablus district Shot by army Alleged stabbing attack Asira al-Shamaliya, Nablus district
153 January 15, 2016 Muhammad Abu Zayed 19 M Al-Bureij refugee camp, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Al-Bureij refugee camp, Gaza
154 January 15, 2016 Muhammad Majdi Qaita 26 M Al-Bureij refugee camp, Gaza Shot by army Clashes Khan Yunis, Gaza
155 January 17, 2016 Wissam Marwan Qasrawa 21 M Huwwara checkpoint, Nablus district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Misliya, Nablus district
156 January 23, 2016 Ruqayya Eid Abu Eid 13 F Almon settlement, Jerusalem district Shot by security guard Alleged attempted stabbing attack Anata, Jerusalem district
157 January 25, 2016 Hussein Muhammad Abu Ghush 17 M Beit Horon settlement, Ramallah district Shot by security guard Stabbing attack Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district
158 January 25, 2016 Osama Youssef Allan 23 M Beit Horon settlement, Ramallah district Shot by security guard Stabbing attack Beit Ur al-Tahta, Ramallah district
159 January 31, 2016 Amjad Jaser Sukkari 34 M Checkpoint near Beit El settlement, Ramallah district Shot by army Shooting attack Nablus, Nablus district
160 February 1, 2016 Ahmad Hassan Tuba 19 M near Salit settlement, Tulkarem district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Kafr Jammal, Tulkarem district
161 February 3, 2016 Ahmad Rajeh Ismail Zakarneh 19 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by border police Shooting, stabbing attack Qabatiya, Jenin district
162 February 3, 2016 Muhammad Ahmad Hilmi Kamil 19 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by border police Shooting, stabbing attack Qabatiya, Jenin district
163 February 3, 2016 Najeh Ibrahim Abu al-Rub 20 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by border police Shooting, stabbing attack Qabatiya, Jenin district
164 February 5, 2016 Haitham Ismail Muhammad al-Baw 14 M near Halhul, Hebron district Shot by army Allegedly attempting to throw Molotov cocktails Halhul, Hebron district
165 February 10, 2016 Omar Yousef Madi al-Jawabreh 16 M Al-Arrub refugee camp, Hebron district Shot by army Clashes Al-Arrub refugee camp, Hebron district
166 February 13, 2016 Kilzar Muhammad Abd al-Halim Azmi al-Uweiwi 18 F Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
167 February 14, 2016 Nihad Raed Muhammad Waqed 15 M near al-Araqa, Jenin district Shot by army Alleged shooting attack Al-Araqa, Jenin district
168 February 14, 2016 Fuad Marwan Khalid Waqed 15 M near al-Araqa, Jenin district Shot by army Alleged shooting attack Al-Araqa, Jenin district
169 February 14, 2016 Naim Ahmad Yousif Safi 17 M Mazmoria checkpoint, Bethlehem district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Al-Ubeidiya, Bethlehem district
170 February 14, 2016 Mansour Yasser Abdul-Aziz Shawamrah 20 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by police Alleged shooting attack Al-Qubeiba, Jerusalem district
171 February 14, 2016 Omar Muhammad Amro 20 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by police Alleged shooting attack Al-Qubeiba, Jerusalem district
172 February 19, 2016 Muhammad Abu Khalaf 20 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by police Stabbing attack Kafr Aqab, East Jerusalem
173 February 19, 2016 Abed Raed Abdullah Hamad 20 M Silwad, Ramallah district Shot by army Vehicular attack Silwad, Ramallah district
174 February 19, 2016 Khaled Yousif Taqatqa 21 M Beit Fajjar, Bethlehem district Shot by army Clashes Beit Fajjar, Bethlehem district
175 February 20, 2016 Qusay Diab Abu al-Rub 15 M Beita checkpoint, Nablus district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Qabatiya, Jenin district
176 February 26, 2016 Mahmoud Muhammad Ali Shaalan 17 M Beit El checkpoint, Ramallah district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Deir Dibwan, Ramallah district
177 March 1, 2016 Iyad Omar Sajadiyya 22 M Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district Shot by army Clashes Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district
178 March 1, 2016 Nahid Fawzi Muteir 24 M Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district Shot by army, later succumbed to injuries Clashes Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district
179 March 2, 2016 Labib Khaldoon Anwar Azzam 17 M Eli settlement, Nablus district Shot by army Stabbing attack Qaryut, Nablus district
180 March 2, 2016 Muhammad Hisham Ali Zaghlawan 17 M Eli settlement, Nablus district Shot by army Stabbing attack Qaryut, Nablus district
181 March 4, 2016 Amani Husni Sabatin 34 F Gush Etzion settlement junction, Bethlehem district Shot by army Alleged vehicular attack Husan, Bethlehem district
182 March 8, 2016 Fadwa Ahmad Abu Teir 50 F Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by border police Alleged attempted stabbing attack Umm Tuba, Jerusalem district
183 March 8, 2016 Fouad Abu Rajab al-Tamimi 21 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by border police Shooting attack Issawiya, East Jerusalem
184 March 8, 2016 Bashar Masalha 22 M Jaffa, Israel Shot by police Stabbing attack Al-Hajja, Qalqiliya district
185 March 8, 2016 Abd al-Rahman Radad 17 M Petah Tikva, Israel Shot by police Stabbing attack Al-Zawiya, Salfit district
186 March 9, 2016 Abd al-Malak Saleh Abu Kharoub 19 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by police Shooting attack Kafr Aqab, East Jerusalem
187 March 9, 2016 Muhammad Jamal al-Kalouti 21 M Old City, East Jerusalem Shot by police Shooting attack Kafr Aqab, East Jerusalem
188 March 9, 2016 Ahmad Yousef Amer 16 M Al-Zawiya, Salfit district Shot by army Attempted stabbing attack Masha, Salfit district
189 March 12, 2016 Yasin Suleiman Abu Khusah 9 M Beit Lahiya, Gaza Army rockets on home Airstrike Beit Lahiya, Gaza
190 March 12, 2016 Israa Suleiman Abu Khusah 6 F Beit Lahiya, Gaza Army rockets on home Airstrike Beit Lahiya, Gaza
191 March 14, 2016 Qasem Farid Jaber 31 M near Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district Shot by army Shooting, vehicular attack Hebron, Hebron district
192 March 14, 2016 Ameer Fuad al-Junaidi 22 M near Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district Shot by army Shooting, vehicular attack Hebron, Hebron district
193 March 14, 2016 Yousef Mustafa Tarayra 18 M near Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district Shot by army Shooting, vehicular attack Bani Naim, Hebron district
194 March 17, 2016 Ali Jamal Muhammad Taqatqa 19 M near Ariel settlement, Salfit district Shot by army Stabbing attack Beit Fajjar, Bethlehem district
195 March 17, 2016 Ali Abd al-Rahman al-Kar Thawabta 20 M near Ariel settlement, Salfit district Shot by army Stabbing attack Beit Fajjar, Bethlehem district
196 March 18, 2016 Mahmud Ahmad Abu Fanunah 21 M Gush Etzion settlement junction, Bethlehem district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
197 March 19, 2016 Abdullah Muhammad al-Ajlouni 18 M Abu Rish checkpoint near Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
198 March 24, 2016 Abd al-Fattah Yusri al-Sharif 21 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
199 March 24, 2016 Ramzi Aziz al-Qasrawi 21 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
200 April 14, 2016 Ibrahim Baradiya 54 M Al-Arrub refugee camp, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Al-Arrub refugee camp, Hebron district
201 April 27, 2016 Maram Salih Hassan Abu Ismail 23 F Qalandiya checkpoint, Ramallah district Shot by security guard Alleged attempted stabbing attack Qatanna, Jerusalem district
202 April 27, 2016 Ibrahim Salih Hassan Taha 16 M Qalandiya checkpoint, Ramallah district Shot by security guard Alleged attempted stabbing attack Qatanna, Jerusalem district
203 May 3, 2016 Ahmed Riyad Abd al-Aziz Shehada 36 M near Dolev settlement, Ramallah district Shot by army Alleged vehicular attack Qalandiya refugee camp, Ramallah district
204 May 4, 2016 Arif Sharif Jaradat 22 M Sair, Hebron district Shot by army, later succumbed to injuries Clashes Sair, Hebron district
205 May 5, 2016 Jana Aytah al-Amur 59 F Khan Yunis, Gaza Army shelling Army offensive Khan Yunis, Gaza
206 May 23, 2016 Sawsan Ali Dawud Mansur 17 F Ras Biddu checkpoint, Jerusalem district Shot by police Alleged attempted stabbing attack Biddu, Jerusalem district
207 June 2, 2016 Ansar Hussam Harasha 25 F Innab checkpoint, Tulkarem district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Qaffin, Tulkarem district
208 June 21, 2016 Mahmoud Raafat Badran 15 M near Beit Ur al-Tahta, Ramallah district Shot by army Bystander in stone throwing Beit Ur al-Tahta, Ramallah district
209 June 24, 2016 Majd al-Khadour 18 F near Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district Shot by army Vehicular attack Bani Naim, Hebron district
210 June 30, 2016 Muhammad Nasser Tarayra 17 M Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district Shot by security guard Stabbing attack Bani Naim, Hebron district
211 June 30, 2016 Wael Abu Saleh 46 M Netanya, Israel Shot by civilian Stabbing attack Shweika, Tulkarem district
212 July 1, 2016 Sarah Tarayra 27 F Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Bani Naim, Hebron district
213 July 1, 2016 Muhammad Mustafa Habash 63 M Qalandiya checkpoint, Ramallah district Tear gas Clashes Asira al-Shamaliya, Nablus district
214 July 13, 2016 Anwar al-Salaymeh 22 M Al-Ram, Jerusalem district Shot by army Army raid Anata, Jerusalem district
215 July 18, 2016 Mustafa Baradiya 51 M near Al-Arrub refugee camp, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Beit Fajjar, Bethlehem district
216 July 19, 2016 Muhyee Sidqi al-Tibakhi 12 M Al-Ram, Jerusalem district Shot by army Clashes Al-Ram, Jerusalem district
217 July 29, 2016 Muhammad Faqih 29 M Surif, Hebron district Killed by army Army raid Dura, Hebron district
218 July 31, 2016 Rami Muhammad Zaim Awartani 31 M Huwwara checkpoint, Nablus district Shot by army Attempted stabbing attack Nablus, Nablus district
219 August 16, 2016 Muhammad Abu Hashhash 17 M al-Fawwar refugee camp, Hebron district Shot by army Clashes al-Fawwar refugee camp, Hebron district
220 August 24, 2016 Sari Muhammad Abu Ghurab 24 M near Ariel settlement, Salfit district Shot by army Stabbing attack Qabatiya, Jenin district
221 August 26, 2016 Iyad Zakariya Hamed 38 M near Silwad, Ramallah district Shot by army Bystander near military site Silwad, Ramallah district
222 September 5, 2016 Mustafa Nimr 27 M Shufat refugee camp, Jerusalem district Shot by border police Clashes Shufat refugee camp, Jerusalem district
223 September 9, 2016 Abd al-Rahman Ahmad al-Dabbagh 15 M near Bureij refugee camp, Gaza Allegedly shot by army Clashes Bureij refugee camp, Gaza
224 September 15, 2016 Muhammad Ahmad Abd al-Fattah al-Sarrahin 30 M Beit Ula, Hebron district Shot by army, later succumbed to injuries Army raid Beit Ula, Hebron district
225 September 16, 2016 Fares Moussa Muhammad Khaddour 18 M near Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district Shot by army Alleged vehicular attack Bani Naim, Hebron district
226 September 16, 2016 Muhammad Thalji Kayid Thalji al-Rajabi 15 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
227 September 17, 2016 Hatim Abd al-Hafeeth Shaludi 25 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by army Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
228 September 19, 2016 Muhannad Jameel al-Rajabi 21 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by border police Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
229 September 19, 2016 Ameer Jamal al-Rajabi 17 M Hebron, Hebron district Shot by border police Stabbing attack Hebron, Hebron district
230 September 20, 2016 Issa Salim Mahmoud Tarayra 16 M Wadi al-Joz junction, Hebron district Shot by army Alleged attempted stabbing attack Bani Naim, Hebron district
231 September 30, 2016 Nasim Abu Meizar 28 M Qalandiya checkpoint, Ramallah district Shot by army  

 

stabbing attack

Kafr Aqab, Jerusalem

Israelis killed by Palestinians

# Date of attack Name Age Gender Place of death/injury leading to death Cause of death Soldier/police Place of residence
1 October 1, 2015 Naama Henkin 30 F near Beit Furik, Nablus district Drive-by shooting No Nerya settlement, Ramallah district
2 October 1, 2015 Eitam Henkin 31 M near Beit Furik, Nablus district Drive-by shooting No Nerya settlement, Ramallah district
3 October 3, 2015 Aharon Banita 21 M Old City, East Jerusalem Stabbing attack Yes Beitar Illit settlement, Bethlehem district
4 October 3, 2015 Nehemia Lavi 41 M Old City, East Jerusalem Stabbing attack No Old City, East Jerusalem
5 October 13, 2015 Richard Lakin 76 M Jabal al-Mukabbir, East Jerusalem Shooting and stabbing attack, later succumbed to injuries No West Jerusalem
6 October 13, 2015 Haim Haviv 78 M Jabal al-Mukabbir, East Jerusalem Stabbing attack No East Talpiot settlement, East Jerusalem
7 October 13, 2015 Alon Govberg 51 M Jabal al-Mukabbir, East Jerusalem Stabbing attack No East Talpiot settlement, East Jerusalem
8 October 13, 2015 Yeshayahu Krishevsky 59 M West Jerusalem Stabbing attack No West Jerusalem
9 October 18, 2015 Omri Levi 19 M Beersheba, Israel Shooting Yes Sdei Hemed, Israel
10 October 20, 2015 Avraham Hasno 54 M near al-Fawwar, Hebron district Run over by vehicle in apparent accident No Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district
11 November 4, 2015 Binyamin Yakobovitch 19 M near Halhul, Hebron district Run over by vehicle, later succumbed to injuries Yes Kiryat Ata, Israel
12 November 13, 2015 Yaakov Litman 40 M near Otniel settlement, Hebron district Shooting No Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district
13 November 13, 2015 Natanel Litman 18 M near Otniel settlement, Hebron district Shooting No Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district
14 November 19, 2015 Yaakov Don 48 M Gush Etzion settlement, Bethlehem district Shooting No Alon Shvut settlement, Bethlehem district
15 November 19, 2015 Aharon Yesayev 32 M Tel Aviv, Israel Stabbing attack No Holon, Israel
16 November 19, 2015 Reuven Aviram 51 M Tel Aviv, Israel Stabbing attack No Ramle, Israel
17 November 22, 2015 Hadar Buchris 21 F Gush Etzion settlement, Bethlehem district Stabbing attack No Safed, Israel
18 November 23, 2015 Ziv Mizrahi 18 M near Beit Ur al-Tahta, Ramallah district Stabbing attack Yes Givat Zeev settlement, Jerusalem district
19 December 7, 2015 Gennady Kaufman 41 M Hebron, Hebron district Stabbing attack, later succumbed to injuries No Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district
20 December 23, 2015 Reuven Birmajer 45 M Old City, East Jerusalem Stabbing attack No Kiryat Yearim, Israel
21 January 1, 2016 Shimon Ruimi 30 M Tel Aviv, Israel Shooting No Ofakim, Israel
22 January 1, 2016 Alon Bakal 26 M Tel Aviv, Israel Shooting No Karmiel, Israel
23 January 17, 2016 Dafna Meir 38 F Otniel settlement, Hebron district Stabbing attack No Otniel settlement, Hebron district
24 January 25, 2016 Shlomit Krigman 23 F Bet Horon settlement, Jerusalem district Stabbing attack, later succumbed to injuries No Shadmot Mehola settlement, Tubas district
25 February 3, 2016 Hadar Cohen 19 F Old City, East Jerusalem Shooting stabbing attack Yes Or Yehuda, Israel
26 February 18, 2016 Tuvia Yanai Wissman 21 M Shaare Benyamin settlement, Ramallah district Stabbing attack Yes Maale Mikhmas settlement, Jerusalem district
27 June 7, 2016 Eido Ben Aryeh 42 M Tel Aviv, Israel Shooting No Ramat Gan, Israel
28 June 7, 2016 Elana Nave 39 F Tel Aviv, Israel Shooting No Tel Aviv, Israel
29 June 7, 2016 Michael Fayge 58 M Tel Aviv, Israel Shooting No Midreshet Ben Gurion, Israel
30 June 7, 2016 Mila Mishayiv 33 F Tel Aviv, Israel Shooting No Rishon LeZion, Israel
31 June 30, 2016 Hallel Yafa Ariel 13 F Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district Stabbing attack No Kiryat Arba settlement, Hebron district
32 July 1, 2016 Michael Mark 48 M Route 60, Hebron district Shooting No Otniel settlement, Hebron district

Other casualties of violence

 

#Date of attackNameAgeGenderPlace of death/injury leading to deathCause of deathNationalityKilled byPlace of residence

1October 18, 2015Haftom Zarhum29MBeersheba, IsraelShot after wrongfully suspected in attackEritreanIsraeli security guardIsrael

2November 19, 2015Shadi Zuhdi Ratib Arafa24MGush Etzion settlement, Bethlehem districtShootingPalestinianPalestinian shooterHebron, Hebron district

3November 19, 2015Ezra Schwartz18MAlon Shvut settlement, Bethlehem districtShootingAmericanPalestinian shooterUnited States

4December 23, 2015Ofer Ben Ari46MOld City, East JerusalemFriendly fireIsraeliIsraeli border policeWest Jerusalem

5January 1, 2016Amin Shaaban42MTel Aviv, IsraelShootingPalestinian with Israeli citizenshipPalestinian with Israeli citizenshipLyd, Israel

6January 23, 2016Muhammad Nabil Halabiya17MEast JerusalemHolding pipe bomb which exploded prematurelyPalestinianSelfAbu Dis, East Jerusalem

7February7, 2016Kamil Hassan32MAshkelon, IsraelCommitted stabbing attack on Israeli soldierSudaneseIsraeli soldierIsrael

8February 24, 2016Eliav Gelman31MGush Etzion settlement, Bethlehem districtFriendly fireIsraeliIsraeli soldierKarmi Tzur settlement, Hebron district9March 8, 2016Taylor Force29MJaffa, IsraelStabbingAmericanPalestinian shooterUnited States

10April 18, 2016Abd al-Hamid Abu Srour19MJerusalemCarrying out bus explosion, later succumbed to injuriesPalestinianSelfAida refugee camp, Bethlehem district

11September 16, 2016Said al-Amr28MOld City, East JerusalemAlleged attempted stabbing attackJordanianIsraeli border policeJordan

Source

WHEN BOYCOTTING THE OCCUPATION ISN’T ENOUGH

“BDS could turn from something “untouchable by European and American officials and liberal academics and activists – who understood its ultimate goal as one that not only refuses to guarantee the survival of Israel as a racist state, but also aims specifically to dismantle all its racist structures – to something increasingly safe to adopt by most of them, as it now can be used to secure Israel’s survival.”

Liberal Zionists are attempting to co-opt BDS to preserve Israeli apartheid. (Ryan Rodrick Beiler/ActiveStills)

Liberal Zionists are attempting to co-opt BDS to preserve Israeli apartheid. (Ryan Rodrick Beiler/ActiveStills)

Boycotting “the occupation” is not enough

Earlier this month, The New York Review of Books published a call for “a targeted boycott of all goods and services from all Israeli settlements in the occupied territories, and any investments that promote the occupation, until such time as a peace settlement is negotiated between the Israeli government and the Palestinian Authority.”

That call, signed by Peter Beinart, Todd Gitlin, Michael Walzer and more than 70 other liberal Zionist writers and luminaries, states that the so-called Green Line – the 1949 Armistice Line separating the occupied West Bank from present-day Israel – “should be the starting point for negotiations between the Israeli and Palestinian parties on future boundaries between two states.”

Co-opting BDS

This is precisely the kind of attempt to co-opt the success of the boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) movement that Columbia University professor Joseph Massad cautions about in a 2014 article for The Electronic Intifada: liberal Zionists aim to redefine and redirect the movement’s strength and efforts towards preserving, instead of challenging, Israel as a racist, apartheid and colonial state.

Massad warns that BDS could turn from something “untouchable by European and American officials and liberal academics and activists – who understood its ultimate goal as one that not only refuses to guarantee the survival of Israel as a racist state, but also aims specifically to dismantle all its racist structures – to something increasingly safe to adopt by most of them, as it now can be used to secure Israel’s survival.”

Palestinians must insist, Massad writes, that those in solidarity with them adopt BDS with an explicit commitment to its goals, “to bring about an end to Israel’s racism and colonialism in all its forms inside and outside the 1948 boundaries” – the whole of present-day Israel, the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip.

Opening

In the current issue of The New York Review of Books, more than 100 activists, scholars and artists from Palestine and around the world – including BDS movement co-founder Omar Barghouti, activist and scholarAngela Davis, historian Joan Scott, Pink Floyd’s Roger Waters, writer Alice Walker and South African freedom fighter Ronnie Kasrils – have responded.

The new letter – of which I am one the signers – says that it defies “common sense” to call only for “boycotting settlements while letting Israel, the state that has illegally built and maintained those settlements for decades, off the hook.”

“By omitting Israel’s other serious violations of international law, the statement fails the moral consistency test,” the letter adds. “Aren’t Palestinian refugees, the majority of Palestinians, entitled to their UN-stipulated rights? Shouldn’t Palestinian citizens of Israel enjoy equal rights by repealing Israel’s dozens of laws that racially discriminate against them?”

It emphasizes that the Palestinian call for BDS is aimed at “all entities, Israeli or international, that are complicit in denying Palestinians everywhere their rights.”

Like The Nation and The London Review of Books, The New York Review of Books has rarely opened its pages to Palestinian writers, and has been a bastion of liberal Zionist orthodoxy.

So in that sense, its publication of the letter represents a small opening in the wall of exclusion.

ZION’S LATEST WAR WITH THE WORLD

Israel is clashing with a United Nations body tasked with honoring heritage sites after it passed a draft resolution harshly critical of Israel as the “occupying power” over Jerusalem, and both US presidential campaigns joined in rejection.

Image by Carlos Latuff

Israel is clashing with UNESCO for passing resolution critical of Israel as “occupying power” over Jerusalem

Israel is clashing with UNESCO for passing resolution critical of Israel as “occupying power” over Jerusalem

Trump and Clinton blast UNESCO statement on Jerusalem

Allison Deger

Israel is clashing with a United Nations body tasked with honoring heritage sites after it passed a draft resolution harshly critical of Israel as the “occupying power” over Jerusalem, and both US presidential campaigns joined in rejection.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu expressed especially harsh words yesterday, dubbing the document submitted by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) as “delusional.” The group failed to mention by name the Temple Mount, a sacred site in Judaism believed to be located inside of the walls of the Noble Sanctuary, a religious plaza in the Old City that shelters the al-Aqsa mosque.

“To say that Israel has no connection to the Temple Mount and the Western Wall is like saying that China has no connection to the Great Wall of China or that Egypt has no connection to the pyramids,” Netanyahu said.

Israel’s ministry of foreign affairs released the type of barb it has frequently employed in recent months when faced with a political scuffle: a tongue and cheek video, in this case blasting the United Nations. In the clip a man with an English accent reads aloud from the Christian bible, replacing the words “Temple court” with “Haram al-Sharif/al-Aqsa mosque,” and wincing with each mention.

To an outsider, the messaging may seem confused. The video’s intended audience, American Christians, would recognize it as a jab at the United Nations for using the preferred Arabic or Muslim jargon to describe the religious complex in the Old City in their resolution, and not the terms favored by the Israeli government or many streams of Christianity, the “Temple Mount.”

While none of the phrases used by UNESCO innately negates the heritage of other religions to the sanctuary in Jerusalem, Israel views it as a word torpedo aimed at Judaism’s connection to Jerusalem. So do the Trump and Clinton camps, and the U.S. government, which voted against it.

The Trump campaign said, “The United Nations’ attempt to disconnect the State of Israel from Jerusalem is a one-sided attempt to ignore Israel’s 3,000-year bond to its capital city, and is further evidence of the enormous anti-Israel bias of the U.N.”

“It’s outrageous that UNESCO would deny the deep, historic connection between Judaism and the Temple Mount,” Clinton advisor Laura Rosenberger told the JTA.

The two-page document submitted yesterday by UNESCO’s board outlined a series of allegations against Israel, charging it for destruction to the ancient plaza. The brief narrowed in on Israeli programs that harm Muslim holy sites, including construction and excavations in areas of Muslim shrines, army damage to mosques in the religious complex, tourism ventures in East Jerusalem, “segregated roads” in the West Bank and the denial of a visa for a UN monitor.

The text was not without mentions of Judaism and Christianity, the areas of contention for Israel, Trump, and Clinton.

UNESCO included a paragraph stating the “importance of the Old City of Jerusalem and its Walls for the three monotheistic religions.” In a later section it stated the Christian and Jewish connection to heritage sites in the Bethlehem area. There is no specific mention of the Temple Mount or any explicit note of unique Jewish ties to the Old City.

However, UNESCO was quick to reply that the resolution is a rough draft and will likely be significantly altered come Tuesday, according to an official with the body in Paris. The official then directed Mondoweiss to a video statement by Michael Worbs, the chairperson of UNESCO, who said he does understand the Israeli frustration. “I understand this perception,” he said, but Jewish and Christian considerations were made. 

“[B]ut [we] have also to admit for the first time, the Arab group added a paragraph saying at the beginning of the decision, saying, Jerusalem is a place of the three monotheistic religions so there is a recognition [of Judaism], although I do admit it was not balanced all over the text,” Worbs said, referencing the drafters, Algeria, Egypt, Lebanon, Morocco, Oman, Qatar and Sudan.

The resolution passed the first vote yesterday by 24-6, with 26 abstentions. It will be finalized in another vote on Tuesday.

Not included in the flurry of condemnations today was the Palestinian government, which was busy holding a conference inside of the United Nations Security Council on Israeli settlements in the West Bank. If the Palestinians move forward, this will be their second attempt to seek Security Council intervention to end the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza.

The roster of speakers at headquarters in New York included the Israeli human rights group B’Tselem and the organization American for Peace Now.

“After almost half a century of Israeli military control over millions of people, the occupation is only deepening, while the settlements – one of the main reasons for daily violations of Palestinians’ human rights – continue to expand,” B’Tselem said in advance of its presentation. “Under these circumstances, it would be unreasonable to consider the occupation temporary or to believe that Israel intends to change this reality in the foreseeable future.”

AN INTERVIEW WITH STEVE AMSEL OF DESERT PEACE

Steve Amsel: Peace is the only alternative for Israelis and Palestinians

The video about our interview with Steve Amsel of Desert Peace about peace as the only alternative for Palestine and Israel. Anti-Zionism means opposition to apartheid and oppression, not Anti-Semitism.

The interview can be seen HERE in German ….

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And HERE in English

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HERE in Italian

THE NOBEL PRIZE IS ‘BLOWIN IN THE WIND’

The Nobel ‘Peace’ Prize has become an annual joke …. now the Prize for Literature joins the frenzy …

unnamed-20

A post from 5 years ago by Nima Shirazi

The Call Bob Dylan Won’t Heed:
BDS, Bullies, and Blowing Wind

A recent letter by the Israeli peace and justice group “Boycott From Within” (BfW) implores legendary singer-songwriter Bob Dylan to heed the Palestinian call for BDS and therefore not perform in Israel. The letter follows reports of Dylan’s 2011 summer tour, during which he will perform at Ramat Gan Stadium on June 20th.

The BfW letter hits all the right notes and speaks truth. It asks Dylan “not to perform in Israel until it respects Palestinian human rights,” explaining that “a performance in Israel, today, is a vote of support for its policies of oppression.” The letter speaks of ethnic cleansing, land theft, martial law, air strikes, and massacres. It beseeches the folk legend, who has “been part of a civil rights movement,” to stand with the oppressed against the aggressor. BfW writes that “BDS is a powerful and united civil initiative in the face of a brutal military occupation and apartheid. It’s a nonviolent alternative to a waning armed struggle and it has reaped many successes and instilled much hope, in the past six years.”

A Ha’aretz article proudly notes that the Dylan concert will be held “where Leonard Cohen and Elton John recently performed,” and is being promoted by “Marcel Avraham, the promoter who organized the Leonard Cohen and Elton John concerts – as well as the upcoming Justin Bieber concert that will be held over Passover.”

So, will Bob Dylan – the man who wrote “Masters of War” and “The Times They Are A-Changin’” in 1963 – heed the call? Of course not. Although Dylan would appear to be the perfect political ally, his human and civil rights bona fides have faded over time – to the point of non-existence.

In 1971, Time Magazine reported that Dylan was “returning to his Jewishness” and “getting into this ethnic Jewish thing.” A friend of his told the magazine, “He’s reading all kinds of books on Judaism, books about the Jewish resistance like the Warsaw ghetto. He took a trip to Israel last year that no one was supposed to know about and even, it is rumored, gave a large donation to the Israeli government.” The article continues:

Dylan denied giving money to Israel or to the fanatical Jewish Defense League, but he confesses great admiration for that “Never again” action group and its reckless leader Rabbi Meir Kahane. “He’s a really sincere guy,” says Bob. “He’s really put it all together.”

Yes, you read that right. Bob Dylan said Meir Kahane, who favored the forced expulsion of Palestinians from their homeland and whose racist Kach party has since been banned from Israeli politics, is “a really sincere guy” who’s “really put it all together.”

Over the past couple decades, Dylan has become a supporter of the Chabad Lubavitch movement, which holds a firm Eretz Israel line regarding the ongoing occupation of the West Bank.

In 1983, twenty years after he sang, “you don’t count the dead” and “you never ask questions, when God’s on your side,” Dylan penned a song in response to the international outrage over the devastating Israeli assault on Lebanon in 1982, which took the lives of nearly 18,000 Lebanese civilians and wounded about 30,000 others. The song did not mention the Sabra and Shatila Massacre, in which between 800 and 2,000Palestinian and Lebanese civilians were murdered. The Israeli Kahan Commission, published in February 1983, found that Israel bore “indirect responsibility” and Defense Minister Ariel Sharon “bears personal responsibility” for the massacre.

Rather, Dylan’s song, entitled “Neighborhood Bully” and featured on his Infidelsalbum (which incidentally also contains the songs “Man of Peace” and “License to Kill“), is a bitter and indignant defense of Israel’s actions, an exercise in Zionist mythology, eternal victimization, and bogus “right to self-defensehasbara, that sounds like it was written collectively by Alan Dershowitz, Abe Foxman, Benjamin Netanyahu, Anthony Weiner, and Golda Meir.

Dylan sings of a nameless (though obvious) “neighborhood bully,” labeled such by “his enemies” who “say he’s on their land” and have him “outnumbered about a million to one” with “no place to escape to, no place to run.” And that’s just the first verse.

The hasbara escalates as the song continues. Dylan sings of exile (“The neighborhood bully been driven out of every land”) and bigotry (“He’s always on trial for just being born”), of lonely survival and attempts at delegitization (“He’s criticized and condemned for being alive”), of the Osirak bombing, of deserts blooming. The only way to believe how thick the Zionist talking points are laid on is to listen to the whole song, or read the complete lyrics (here).

Unfortunately for the BDS community and the courageous activists of BfW, Bob Dylan will not be an ally in the fight for justice or international law. He made his choice decades ago. It is Dylan who can apparently no longer see “where the people are many and their hands are all empty, where the pellets of poison are flooding their waters, where the home in the valley meets the damp dirty prison, where the executioner’s face is always well hidden, where hunger is ugly, where souls are forgotten, where black is the color, where none is the number.”

And, although Dylan once claimed that he’d “tell it and think it and speak it and breathe it, and reflect it from the mountain so all souls can see it,” he has decided to stand with those who aggress and oppress, with those who starve and deprive, with those who surround and fly-over and bomb hospitals and deny, with those who steal land and resources, with those who reinvent and erase history, with those who criminalize memory and prioritize ethnicity and religion. He stands with those who erect walls and watchtowers. He seems not to care that he has been talking falsely for some time now and that the hour has never been more late. Dylan seems to have become tangled up in tribalism.

By ignoring the call to boycott and by performing in Israel this summer, Dylan is solidifying his reputation as one who – when it counted most – didn’t stand for morality and humanity. Dylan once asked, “how many years can some people exist, before they’re allowed to be free?” It seems that Dylan’s own answer to the Palestinians would be, “A while longer and don’t ask me to help.” He has become his own rhetorical character: the man who turns his head, pretending he just doesn’t see.

So, the questions remain. “How many ears must one man have, before he can hear people cry? How many deaths will it take ’til he knows that too many people have died?” The answers are no longer simply blowing in the wind, however. They are in discourse and education, flash mobs and rallies, sit-ins and walk-outs. The answers are international law and humanitarian justice. The answer is promoting basic morality and common decency. The answer is raising public awareness. The answer is opposing settler-colonialism, military aggression, collective punishment, air strikes and assassinations, drone attacks and white phosphorous, tear gas and torture, ethnic cleansing, diplomatic immunity, war crime impunity, ethnocentrism and supremacism, racism and discrimination, apartheid and occupation. The answer is BDS.

And, as Bob Dylan told us himself, the times they are a-changing‘.

Sadly, this time around, however, it seems Dylan does need a weatherman to know which way the wind is blowing.

*****

Neighborhood Bully

Well, the neighborhood bully, he’s just one man
His enemies say he’s on their land
They got him outnumbered about a million to one
He got no place to escape to, no place to run
He’s the neighborhood bully

The neighborhood bully just lives to survive
He’s criticized and condemned for being alive
He’s not supposed to fight back, he’s supposed to have thick skin
He’s supposed to lay down and die when his door is kicked in
He’s the neighborhood bully

The neighborhood bully been driven out of every land
He’s wandered the earth an exiled man
Seen his family scattered, his people hounded and torn
He’s always on trial for just being born
He’s the neighborhood bully

Well, he knocked out a lynch mob, he was criticized
Old women condemned him, said he should apologize.
Then he destroyed a bomb factory, nobody was glad
The bombs were meant for him. He was supposed to feel bad
He’s the neighborhood bully

Well, the chances are against it and the odds are slim
That he’ll live by the rules that the world makes for him
’Cause there’s a noose at his neck and a gun at his back
And a license to kill him is given out to every maniac
He’s the neighborhood bully

He got no allies to really speak of
What he gets he must pay for, he don’t get it out of love
He buys obsolete weapons and he won’t be denied
But no one sends flesh and blood to fight by his side
He’s the neighborhood bully

Well, he’s surrounded by pacifists who all want peace
They pray for it nightly that the bloodshed must cease
Now, they wouldn’t hurt a fly. To hurt one they would weep
They lay and they wait for this bully to fall asleep
He’s the neighborhood bully

Every empire that’s enslaved him is gone
Egypt and Rome, even the great Babylon
He’s made a garden of paradise in the desert sand
In bed with nobody, under no one’s command
He’s the neighborhood bully

Now his holiest books have been trampled upon
No contract he signed was worth what it was written on
He took the crumbs of the world and he turned it into wealth
Took sickness and disease and he turned it into health
He’s the neighborhood bully

What’s anybody indebted to him for?
Nothin’, they say. He just likes to cause war
Pride and prejudice and superstition indeed
They wait for this bully like a dog waits to feed
He’s the neighborhood bully

What has he done to wear so many scars?
Does he change the course of rivers? Does he pollute the moon and stars?
Neighborhood bully, standing on the hill
Running out the clock, time standing still
Neighborhood bully

*****

This article originally appeared on Mondoweiss under the headline “No Surprise Dylan is Visiting the Neighborhood Bully.”

THE PSEUDO-ZIONISTS AND THEIR DIRTY WAR AGAINST TRUTH!

“Beware of anti-Semitism and all other forms of racism, but also beware of all what tries to make you silent and of those who want to put all people criticising the oppressing Israeli politics as anti-Semites into pigeonholes.”

promosaik-palestine

by Evelyn Hecht-Galinski

Who are the real anti-Semites and what do philo-Semites and anti-Semites have in common? Is it not anti-Semitism when Jewish organisation consultants and Sayanim, their covert political and media helpers, subject them to enforced censorship? Which raises the question of whether the Central Council of Jews in Germany is being anti-Semitic and racist when it does everything to prohibit all kinds of projects, conferences, and events including those with Jewish speakers or to deny them public financial support? All of which culminates in censorship and event cancellations which result in the general public being denied the right to have an informed opinion.

So by exploiting false and unjustified accusations of anti-Semitism — which are particularly sensitive in Germany — against upright people who refuse to be cowed, pseudo-Zionists nonetheless manage to get favourable media coverage while the critics of Israeli policies are pilloried and denied their democratic right for freedom of speech.  It is patently evident that the pro-Israel lobbies try to prohibit any conferences or events that engage in factual documentation of what Israel is really doing in the occupied Palestinian territories. Even in Germany, discourse within the media and politics has been restricted to an unimaginable level.

My old friend Walter Herrmann, who has since unfortunately passed away, and his unforgettable and groundbreaking Kölner Klagemauer (Cologne Wailing Wall) always felt the effect of this. While constantly criticising the injustice and criminality of the “Jewish State”, he was inundated with lawsuits and slanders. Even after his death, his legacy was still portrayed in a negative and hateful light by different lobbyists and Israel understanders such as the olive-green politician Volker Beck. While the photos of murdered children of the “Genocide in Gaza” which he displayed on the “Wailing Wall in Cologne” elicited outrage and demands that they should not be shown, politically driven prime time media broadcasts, showed photos of mutilated and starving children from Syria or Africa, thereby in effect censoring and selecting the news and images that are put before us!

In the meantime, the phenomenon of the selection of “good” and “bad“ Jews and “good” and “bad” Muslims is the measure of all things. All criticism against the racist, Apartheid state of Israel is immediately branded as “hate against Jews” and “Anti-Semitism.” And all that the “Jewish State” does for its “security” is presented to us as a shining example and model. The strategy of concepts, the war of words is alarming. The Zionist “word creators” have been a political project of enormous significance since the foundation of the “Jewish State” from which time propaganda had a most important role with a board which served as the department of the Prime Minister and worked to complete the ethnic cleansing of Palestine also on a linguistic level! (1)

In fact, for dictatorships and “ethnocentric systems” it is particularly important to hide their crimes with linguistic distortions and inventions of words. In the meantime this variant about how to make politics by language is sold to the citizens so that by complicated linguistic creations almost nobody understands the real facts of the case.

While politics in Germany become more and more “remote from citizens,” people are surprised if parties like the right-wing AfD attract certain voters and sympathisers with their “simple” words like rat catchers. While “ethnic pipe dreamers and race theorist” such as Thilo Sarrazin are positively reviewed in German over-regional media and can stay in the German Socialist Party without any consequences, critics of Israel are subject to completely different treatment. The powerful Israel lobby has ensured that they can neither talk in parties nor in feuillotons or talk shows. And while the self-appointed critics of Islam have enjoyed prosperity and become favoured amongst the “media Gods,” critics of the “Jewish State” have become outcasts whose voices are to be avoided.

While the secret war against the BDS movement and its activists was started on a global scale that was financed by U.S. $45 million from the Israeli Ministry for Foreign Affairs, critics of Israel encountered the implications directly (2).

In Germany, the government and its close media representatives do their best to make political concepts more and more incomprehensible. Did we not have a similar propaganda ministry in the past working almost in the same way? Already at that time there was fertile ground for many propaganda concepts. What is alarming in this context, is the constant level loss, beginning with the widely read newspaper Bildto which even governing politicians make reference to explain their political orientation. In fact, we are concerned with a dangerous political education programme. This is the shape of national dulling in Germany! Of course, in this context we have avoided mentioning that the newspaper Bild is in the frontline of this linguistic war for the “Jewish State” and extends the “long arm of Netanyahu” to Germany through the media.

So it is not surprising that the newspaper Bild pulls out of its hat a Jewish journalist by letting him compare Aleppo with the Holocaust … this relativization is left to certain Jews.

And what happens in Syria, is a war that was planned long ago with the aim of a “regime change,” an intriguing and proven method employed by USA and its henchmen. While jihadists are armed and supported by the Western Alliance, Russia comes to help Assad. And the well-known patterns are repeated: Russia is the mass murderer, while the upright USA just wants the best for the people (this is exactly what we can observe in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya).

In view of the fact that Israel supports the Nusra front, we should ask: Who benefits from this? The answer is of course the “Jewish State,” because a weakened Assad Regime helps to maintain the annexation of the Golan Heights with shameless violations of international law and crimes against humanity.

This is not just a case of a Holocaust and genocide of people, but also of a brutal proxy war shamelessly manipulated by an Israeli journalist who compared the Holocaust with Aleppo. Instead of such a heinous diversionary tactic, it would have been more appropriate and timely for an “Appeal from Israel“ to stop the illegal Judiazing and ethnic cleansing of Palestine. (3)

As soon as the hate campaigns of Springer and Bild started, the Sayanim occupied themselves by completely supporting this struggle. In Germany it is a shame that political parties and political leaders are more concerned with the dubious, inexistent “right of existence” of the “Jewish State” than with freedom of expression.

Jewish German or foreign citizens are not allowed to express their opinion. They are defamed as anti-Semites and denigrated only because they show civil courage and are opposed to Israel’s illegal occupation policies; support the BDS campaign; or openly identify themselves as “anti-Zionists.”

So who are the real Anti-Semites? The real anti-Semites are the political representatives who want to prevent Jewish citizens in Germany from speaking out or expressing their opinions. In this context it is interesting that in particular again and again German citizens whose parents or grandparents were deeply involved in the Nazi crimes persist in this deviation. Because of guilty feelings and their compensation, a philo-semitic exaggerated love towards Jews has become a very particular, second anti-Semitism.

The manipulation of the holocaust, shamelessly exploited by Jewish organisations and the “Jewish State”, is the most awful phenomenon after the shoah, which in the long run does not support either the murdered Jews or the “Jewish State.”

It is anti-Semitic if the suffering of the murdered Jews in Germany is misused to whitewash actual crimes of the Israeli State. It is totally immoral for Jewish officials to brand Jewish citizens as anti-Semites; and promote prejudice against Muslim immigrants and citizens by accusing them of anti-Semitic ideas and hate against Jews (like Charlotte Knobloch! does). But do Jewish officials not have a particular duty of care with concepts and language? In reality, it is exactly the opposite: they promote prejudice and make islamophobia socially acceptable and oppose freedom of speech. While DITIB is denigrated as anti-Semitic, and while Jewish critics of Israel have to endure hate speeches, Jewish organisations and the “Jewish State” – in spite of their international law violations against the Palestinian people – have been rewarded. While Amnesty International has just produced a well-documented accusatory report about the pattern of illegal murders and about the shocking disrespect for human lives, universities and conferences and their speakers who talk about these awful conditions are portrayed as “Jews‘ haters” which in Germany is like an employment ban. (4)

If we do not stop this trend, I am very pessimistic about the freedom of speech in Germany. All that is not suitable is hushed up. The fatal reality is that the German media has increasingly become an instrument of the U.S. whose continuous propaganda constitutes brainwashing. And it is a fact that by constant repetition the person gets more and more indifferent and memorises what should be questioned.

However, in the constant rabble-rousing against Russia, there is a glimmer of hope on the horizon because the Germans – unlike most politicians and media pundits – are not stupid and want good relations with their Russian neighbours. Even more shocking is the behaviour of the Green and Conservative Parties with the infamous Marieluise Beck and Göring-Eckart constantly promoting the right-wing trend of the Green Party. While they kowtow to the “Jewish State” and U.S. war crimes, they oppose Putin, Erdogan and Assad. In future, these awful hawkish policies must defeated at the ballot box!

Therefore, I would like to conclude this article with the following quotation by Bishop Desmond Tutu which all democratic forces in Germany, the media, and political leaders should carefully consider:

“Beware of anti-Semitism and all other forms of racism, but also beware of all what tries to make you silent and of those who want to put all people criticising the oppressing Israeli politics as anti-Semites into pigeonholes.”

Originally appeared in German AT

English translation by Milena Rampoldi, ProMosaik, edited by William Hanna

IN ISRAEL/PALESTINE ~~ 120 SECONDS OF HOPE FOR THE FUTURE

WATCH: In 120 seconds, this video will change the way you see the Israel-Palestinian conflict.

An Arab and a Jew asking for hugs on the streets of East Jerusalem and Tel Aviv – and the results will surprise you.

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There IS hope …. It’s up to us to make it a reality! Don’t wait for Bibi’s or Abbas’ OK … Just do it!

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